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My bars are filled with dimensions. Demented like it's dementia, descending upon defenders. Louco como se fosse demente, descendente de defensores. For pinning a pawn dependent depicted within in this sentence. Por fixar um penhor dependente decidido dentro dessa frase. I'm a mild man, a pascifist, massacring the masochists. Eu sou um homem brando, um pacifista, massacrando os masoquistas. Murdering, blasting the masses off to massive amounts. Assassinando, explodindo as massas para quantidades massivas. They probably give a better effort if they knew what really counts.

But if you keep it real and build, then you'll put bills in your accounts. I'm not a mathematician — this rhythm arithmetic. So I'mma teach you algebra, dumb it down for you simpletons. I haven't even touched on the square roots of my averages. The 3. O 3,14 pi dividido por selvagens. This ain't a dead democracy. My flow's totalitarian. Battling with barbarians. Buried them barely breathing. Os enterrou, mal respirando. I'm digging ditches and heaving dirt over my left shoulder. Eu estou cavando valas e levantando terra sobre o meu ombro esquerdo.

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You introduce a Jehovah. Suppose the fool that's in front of me started running and stumbling. Mumbling something out of his lips till I slit his wrist. And I tied him up to a cross and I started off with incisions. Insisting on silence for this crucifixion. The victim was tortured for hours. A vitima foi torturada por horas. Scorched by a blowtorch till the toes are burned to a fricassee. And now I'm carving all of the flesh, what's left of it, crispily. E agora estou talhando toda a carne, o que sobrou disso, crocante.

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I'm vividly visualizing my victory. I'm pushing the vascular vein down to the main artery.

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The smell of death induces vomiting, I'm violent with a bayonet. O cheiro da morte induz ao vomito, eu sou violento com uma baioneta. Filleted his fingertips to get rid of the evidence. I'm pulling out his canines, molars, and bicuspids. While following in the footsteps of all of my fucking idols. The Black Dahlia killer and even the Cleveland Butcher. Who take a subject and slice it with a surgical precision.

Even though I'm only kidding, I've lost faith in the music. And every song that I hear is amusing, it's so confusing. You would rather have a nigger acting like a buffoon. Give him a clown costume, with the floppy shoes and the red nose. And don't forget the diamond chain to go with his expensive clothes. Perpetuating an image that no one can afford it. You motherfuckers sicker than an original ignorance. VisuAlgo will gradually grow into a multilingual site. Try visiting the other versions of VisuAlgo, e. In VisuAlgo, you can use your own input for any algorithm instead of the sample inputs.

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The latter was not published until , but the manuscript circulated among his contemporaries. The book itself is not about illegal trade per se; rather, it explains the problematic governance of Portuguese India. When the book was written, Portuguese India was in decline, and Diogo do Couto wanted to point out the circumstances that led to its downfall and how to remedy these.

Corruption rather than smuggling was the main problem in far away Asia, but that corruption encompassed the failure to pay correct taxes at the Customs. It deals with corruption in Portugal at the turn of the eighteenth century. Meant to be sarcastic, the author explains how corruption has reached every level of Portuguese society, from a yeoman to the king. Like in India, the author assumes that the greatest thieves are the persons supposed to prevent this crime, whether these are judges, noblemen, clergy, or officials of the customs. However, can one assume the same about Portuguese America?

Whereas the treatises on Portuguese India and Portugal warned the readers of the deeply ingrained abuses and explained them as a manifestation of worldly and spiritual downfall, the first histories of Brazil remained more informative, giving reasons to attract colonists to the newly encountered world.

Portuguese inhabitants of Brazil authored several firsthand accounts on the Amerindians and their conversion , the fertility of the land, and the activities of the first settlers. The book details the sites of most Portuguese settlements, elaborates on its economies and outlines its relations with the local populations. The New Christian Sugar Mill owner argued that even though banished criminals were exiled to Brazil in the first decades, the lust for opportunity ennobled its settler population.

Given the subsequent wars with the Dutch republic and with France, one can imagine that not all these publications were welcomed by the Portuguese crown. Indeed, one of the most important treatises was immediately forbidden and all copies taken out of circulation. Cultura e Opulencia das Drogas do Brasil published in , and immediately taken out of circulation.

The book details four major economic activities in the Portuguese colony: the cultivation of sugar and tobacco, gold mining, and cattle herding. However, after several foreign invasions at the end of the War of Spanish Succession that led to the brief occupation of Rio de Janeiro by a French fleet in , the Portuguese administration was quite reluctant to make such information public. Gold was found in Brazil during the s, and this made the colony even more attractive to European competition, which the Portuguese king did not wish to encourage.

Antonil was the first to put the issue of illegal trade to print. Especially in the case of tobacco cultivation and gold mining he explained what would happen if farmers and miners refused to pay the full taxes on their products. According to Antonil, the king had a natural right to this taxation, and in the end transgressors would be caught, have their goods confiscated, and leave their families in poverty. Antonil's book is the best contemporary witness of Brazil's economy and it has been widely used by historians of the eighteenth century.

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  • Historians have used two types of publications for their sources on the economy and society of eighteenth-century Brazil. The first are memoranda written to improve the Brazilian economy by Portuguese and Brazilian authors, and the second are foreign travel accounts by visitors to Brazilian harbors. Both are similar, since in the eighteenth century travelers were educated informants and members of scientific academies.

    These foreign visitors were most willing to comment on the state of Brazilian development and how to make improvements.

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    Scientific societies reached Brazil and Portugal during the eighteenth century. Local elites ran these organizations to promote the arts, letters, and the economy. Their members promoted themselves and their local community through the presentation of memoranda, musing on their illustrious past and promoting future development of the economy. Educated officials were highly represented in these organizations, and they tried to improve their status by sending these memoranda to the Overseas Council, the secretary of state, and the Sovereign in Lisbon.

    By the late eighteenth-century these memoranda became fashionable.

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    Several were published in the annals of the Lisbon Academy of Sciences to which several university educated Brazilians contributed. Most memoranda dealt with the utilization of natural resources for economic purposes. For instance, Balthazar da Silva Lisboa, a crown judge, wrote extensively about conservation and utilization of several types of wood.

    The later secretary of state Dom Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho did likewise.


    Their primary goals were to improve the economic and political relationships between colony and mother country, in a time when smuggling increased dramatically and signs of Brazilian resistance to Portuguese overlordship became more obvious. Not all officials were so loyal as the four statesmen above. Both had to pay dearly for their comments: one was exiled to Angola, the other to Mozambique after conspiring to overthrow the government of the Mining districts. The works of Luso-Brazilian authors about their economy were strongly influenced by foreign travelers and philosophers.

    Unfortunately for the Brazilians, these well-known scientists did not rate the Portuguese colony very highly. Indeed, most European travelers and intellectuals looked down upon Brazil, defining its population as "indolent" and any trade obstruction as illegitimate. Not only have these visitors been a source for future historians, they also set the tone of the debate for the issues for the next two centuries. None of these distinguished foreigners had good words for the governance, society, and economy of Brazil.

    Captain Cook, for instance, made some very negative descriptions of Rio de Janeiro after he was virtually sent away from the Brazilian capital by the viceroy. Cook declared that the rule over Brazil was "very despotic in fact," the population of Rio de Janeiro were too devotional since "they pray and sing their hymns with such vehemence, that in the night they were very distinctly heard on board the ship," that women in Rio de Janeiro "make less difficulty of granting personal favours, than those of any other civilized country in the world," and that the greater part of the land is "wholly uncultivated, and little care and labour seem to have bestowed upon the rest".

    The first print of his Philosophical and political history of the establishment and commerce of the Europeans in the Indies was in , a standard work for all the elites and has remained so ever since. Like Captain Cook, Raynal looked disdainfully upon the economy of colonial Brazil, and the French philosopher paid particular attention to smuggling and the poor Portuguese administration.

    Raynal comments that Brazil is a rich colony, and that the Portuguese were the first to open up trade to Africa and the Orient. The first are regulations of commerce through monopolies, which strengthened after the Lisbon earthquake of that decreased commerce and stimulated illegal trade. The second is the dependency of the Portuguese economy on the British, which weakened Portugal's economy.

    Raynal argues that the British administration has Portugal and its colonies in its grips, and the only way out of this situation is to open up Brazilian trade to all foreign nations, and especially to France. Raynal never visited Brazil, so he worked with travel accounts as his sources. However, the political economy of Raynal's work is new, and it was soon to be mimicked by generations of Brazilian and European intellectuals.

    He had similar thoughts on the political economy of Portugal, Brazil and their relations with Great Britain. Adam Smith argued against the mercantilist principles of his time. He stated that Britain's close economic relationship with Portugal worked out negatively for the former. Smith reconsidered the advantages of the famous Methuen treaty of , in which Britain promised to import wine from Portugal at a lower price than Portugal's competitors, in exchange for Portugal importing British textiles at a lower price than its competitors.

    Smith, however, argued otherwise. He argued that the treaty was unnecessary, since Britain would have supplied textiles cheaper than its competition anyway, and now it was forced to import Portuguese wine. Both Smith and Raynal had similar ideas: Portugal's economy was badly organized by its monopolies, trade liberalization would be good for all especially for Britain and France , and this would end the oppressive economic stronghold that Portugal had over Brazil.

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    Brazilians have followed the two examples of Raynal and Smith. They used Raynal's concept of economic and governmental exploitation by Portugal over Brazil, and they looked favorably on Smith's ideas on the opening of the Brazilian economy as a way to further progress and development. Using the first generation of writers as a source, the second generation of positivist historians became sheer collectors of information.