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As for the filibusters, their trade was that of attacking the Spanish by sea, as well as occasional interloping and smuggling. Filibuster is the English form of flibustier, said by Exquemelin to be the French corruption of the English word freebooter, itself derived from the Dutch vryjbuiter,. The warlike trade itself was called la flibuste. Through a Puritan companys venture, the English established bases at Providence Island as in Gods Providence and Tortuga for trading and raiding. The Dutch similarly traded, thieved, and thrived.

Here men such as Willem Blaeuvelt, still around in the s, established the foundation from which future sea-roving enterprises would spring. Haring called this conquest the first of the great buccaneering expeditionsmade in time of peace and without provocationand it set the tone for the next three decades. Soon after, the English recruited French filibusters to help defend the fledgling Jamaican colony, and began auctioning off Spanish prizes to local fortune hunters and granting them letters of marque. Jamaica was an ideal base from which to raid the Spanish, and the English and French tacitly encouraged such raids, often with legitimate commissions, although just as often the French and English sailed under false commissions or those of Portugal.

Both buccaneers and filibusters attacked prey on land and sea, and great large-scale raids ashore were characteristic of these sea rovers, distinguishing them from their contemporaries and successors. The raids were doubtless influenced by the opportunity created by the poorly defended Spanish towns, as well as by previous French and English experiences of land warfare in the West Indies.

These adventurers were a variety of buccaneers, filibusters, former soldiers, transported criminals, poor English planters, French habitans, militia, boucaniers, and others derived from the detritus of the West Indies. These adventurers not only roved on their own account, but provided the first line of defense for the English and French.

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It was a savage and largely ungoverned period, yet one in which many men were rewarded politically for their bloodthirstiness and brutality. LOllonois was a savage and met a savage end; Morgan, not quite as savage but more successful, was knighted. The final period of the buccaneer and filibuster arose soon after Morgan had stolen many of his mens rightful shares of Panamanian plunder, and after hed been knighted and made lieutenant governor of Jamaica. Technically, the region was at peace for ten years, from the Treaty of Nymwegen in until King Williams War began in , and thus buccaneering declined.

As William Dampier put it, after Jamaica was well settled by the English, and a Peace established with Spain, the Privateers who had hitherto lived upon plundering the Spaniards, were put to their shifts. Peace had grown more profitable, and sea roving ran counter to the development of trade. Buccaneers and filibusters shifted to other trades, including logwood cutting, interloping or smuggling, slaving, and often piracy. They made a few great raids during this period, such as the French sack of Veracruz, but in general practiced their natural trade on a more reduced scale as compared to previous years, yet as a greater nuisance to all nations, and often as pirates, although they still saw themselves as privateers.

When they resolved to turn pirates, it was to take a prize other than of Spain. Buccaneers and filibusters preyed for the most part only upon the Spanish, and public sentiment was on the side of these sea rovers. Because they did not prey indiscriminately, to apply the term pirate to these sea rovers was not commonly well received, except by Spaniards, politicians, and merchants, and might have been hard for many to justify except in an entirely legal sense. Nevertheless, these men were careful about returning to English colonies for fear of being arrested for piracy.

It was the age of the great buccaneer and filibuster raids into the South Sea, enterprises that also depleted forces required for the maintenance and defense of the colonies, as a form of escape from the suppression of buccaneering and la flibuste. Some buccaneers deserted to the. The war ended with the great raid by French corsairs, soldiers, militia, and filibusters on Cartagena, led by Baron de Pointis and Jean du Casse. By wars end the true buccaneer was essentially no more, killed off by the rise of legitimate trade.

The filibuster, on whose trade much of the local French economy relied, survived a little longer, perhaps into the early part of the s, generally as a privateer and auxiliary in French naval raids on English holdings in the West Indies, but seldom as the freebooter beholden to none but his comrades. After the Treaty of Utrecht in , the remnants of the buccaneers and filibusters who chose to still rove became mere pirates. In all, these buccaneers and filibusters were perhaps the greatest sea rovers of any age, although some disputed their actual martial abilities.

Even Woodes Rogers, himself a successful privateer against the Spanish in the South Sea, considered their published tales to be romantic Accounts designed to make themselves pass for Prodigies of Courage and Conduct but scarce shewd one Instance of true Courage or Conduct. Nevertheless, bearing only small arms and grenades, these buccaneers and filibusters attacked and captured hundreds of Spanish vessels and dozens of Spanish towns.

They filled a similar niche, but lacked any sense of legitimacy as well as any general equality in courage and skill at arms, notwithstanding modern romantic revisionism. The range of these piratical heirs was primarily the West Indies and along the North American coast, although there were significant forays along the Brazilian and African coasts and, especially profitable, into the Red Sea. With the formal but temporary end of large-scale European wars, the multitude of men and vessels employed in privateering had been set free from their natural trade.

The Spanish were doing their best to flush out logwood cutters, a natural sideline of West Indian privateers in time of peace. Add to this an enormous commerce by sea, the failure of navies to adequately protect it even in peacetime, colonial governors and merchants willing to trade in illicit goods, and the existence of numerous coves in which to hide and keys at which to careen, and piracy in its most degenerate form flourished. Peace was a significant factor: In war time there is no room for any, because all those of a roving, adventurous disposition find employment in privateers, so there is no opportunity for pirates.

These pirates pretended neither lawful commission nor nationalistic justifica-. They were a declared enemy to Mankind. These Red Sea pirates found encouragement, support, and protection under the political and economic structures of the colony of New York, and some of them even founded petty empires in Madagascar. The attacks caused considerable political and economic difficulties for English interests in the region, and were the inspiration for the bumbling voyage of William Kidd who was not the first pirate hunter to turn pirate. Unlike the buccaneers, these men and women left no journals: it was best to leave no evidence behind.

Their tales are told primarily through extensive legal records, a few journals of captives, and Charles Johnsons early eighteenth-century History of the Pirates. Johnson and Defoe, who might have been one and the same, romanticized these pirates, but Exquemelin had already romanticized the buccaneersthe audience awaited. Johnson merely created the template for a popular literature to come. Stevenson, followed by other writers and then by Hollywood, leaped almost entirely from fact to fiction, leaving us with a permanently romanticized imagery.

They had neither the great safe havens such as Port Royal and Petit Goave in which to provision and recruit, nor the quantity or quality of men necessary to capture heavily defended towns and cities, nor the experience in land warfare, and no need at any rate to test their skill at arms against well-defended prey.

The Spanish empire was in decline: pirate prey were now the lightly-armed English, French, Dutch, and Portuguese merchantmen in the New World and the moguls ships in the Red Sea, and pirate tactics were fairly simple and based on terror. By this pirate generation had spent itself, too angry and alone to be selfsustaining. The noose had done what it could as well. These ranged from buccaneers and filibusters operating under legitimate commissions to the more conventional privateers operating from the North.

Captain William Kidd was one such privateer, outfitted in New York and operating in the West Indies during King Williams War, at least until his crew mutinied, turned pirate, and left him behind, foreshadowing his infamy to come. The opportunity, in the form of trade by sea and protected bases of operation, existed on a grand scale, and there are always some who are willing to put mind and money to work, and body in harms way, to seize just such an opportunity. Most seagoing European nations encouraged what later came to be called commerce raiding, known by the French as the la guerre de course.

Although various men-ofwar called cruisers were often put to this purpose, it was primarily private investors and private seamen and in many cases, landmen who charged themselves with the task of reaping profits by capturing enemy shipping and then selling or ransoming the captured vessels and cargo. Governments encouraged privateers through various incentives, primarily by granting the majority of the profits from the captured vessels to the investors, officers, and crew, for it was private investors or armateurs who outfitted vessels, raised crews, sought commissions, and posted bonds.

When his fleet became largely bottled up, and with the expenses of major land campaigns eating up his treasury, Louis XIV permitted armateurs to outfit French warships for privateering expeditions, in effect encouraging French men-of-war to cruise as privateers. Of lesser fame but equal courage and daring was Jean Doublet, who followed several other trades besides, including some cloakand-dagger.

Duguay-Trouin, Forbin, and Doublet left fascinating memoirs of their often epic adventures, while Cassard and Bart left no published. Cassard ended his days in the Bastille after tweaking noble French noses in his quest for compensation owed him for service as a corsair. Woodes Rogers commanded one eminently successful voyage.

William Dampier and George Shelvocke commanded others, both failures, one miserably. However, several excellent journals of these voyages were published, providing fascinating insight into the life of the privateer cruising in the South Sea. They were feared by Europeans more than any other sea rovers, for prisoners were usually sold as slaves in North Africa; with few exceptions, only the wealthy could afford the ransom.

Spanish guarda costas and pirates, often one and the same, operated in the West Indies. Most seagoing nations commissioned privateers and had mariners turn pirate. In the East, Malabar pirates ruthlessly attacked European shipping. Even Native Americans sometimes attacked vessels at sea.

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Most ships crews of this period were composed of men of many nations. Edward Coxere, a seventeenth-century English mariner, has been quoted many times as typical of the shifting nature of maritime service: Next I served the Spaniards against the French, then the Hollanders against the English; then I was taken by the English out of a Dunkirker; and then I served the English against the Hollanders; and last I was taken by the Turks, where I was forced to serve against English, French, Dutch, and Spaniards, and all Christendom.

Then, when I was against the Spaniards, I was got in a man-of-war against the Spaniards, till last I was taken prisoner by the Spaniards. William Funnell described privateers dispersing some for Goa to serve the Portugueze, some to Benjar to the English, and others to serve the Mogull after they arrived at Macao. A French corsair might have a crew that consisted largely of Flammands. Jean Doublet had two Jacobite Englishmen for officers.

Admiral Sir George Byng was greatly offended at.

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Some of William Dampiers Royal Navy crew were once mistaken for pirates partly because they were men of many nations. African Americans and Native Americans also served, sometimes involuntarily, aboard other privateers and pirates, and accounted for as much as 50 percent of some crews. Necessity has always been one of the significant forces in equal rights. Nor was this lack of homogeneity restricted to nationality or to religious, ethnic, or racial distinctions. With the general exception of the New World pirates, the crews of sea rovers were seldom composed solely of men raised from youth to the sea.

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French corsairs often included nonmariners as musketeers and in other capacities. Morgans attack on Panama included 2, fighting men, besides mariners and boys. Indeed, the French use of aventuriers to refer to seventeenth-century buccaneers and filibusters is often a far more appropriate term for these sea rovers. Even so, gentlemen or pretended gentlemen, both great and petty, such as the Sieur de Grammont and the Comte de Forbin, became filibusters and corsairs. A naval officer like Thomas White might one day become a pirate, as might other well-educated men.

Farmers and small planters sought the sea to escape the hardship and drudgery of the soil. Transported criminals sought a hopefully more lucrative way of life on the margins in the New World. Some merchant seamen became pirates as a form of rebellion against the patriarchal and often despotic order of a ship at sea, and others perhaps just because. Some were forced to serve as pirates, eventually joining this bloodthirsty brotherhood of their own volition, while others never yielded the mantle of being forced men and thus saved themselves from hanging.

Many came involuntarily to situations that led them to the sea, having been transported as criminals, or spirited away as indentured servants, or sent as slaves after abortive rebellions, and perhaps they saw sea roving as both rebellion and opportunity. And many simply needed to make a living, with sea roving as perhaps their only real opportunity to escape poverty.

This variety of trade, class, and origin brought the flexibility of a rich skill set to searoving ventures. With the exception of the Anglo-American pirates, none of these groups could be described as entirely either privateer or pirate, as entirely either lawful or unlawful in their predation. Although the distinction between piracy and privateering might seem to be readily apparent, if we look at piracy as pure greed combined with a rejection of national identity and privateering as pure greed under the guise of patriotism, it is easy to see that the distinction between the two might not always be easily made.

This murkiness is important, for it often permitted the pretense of privateering to paper over actual acts of piracy. The practical distinction between piracy and privateering was many times something a cynic could. According to Charles Johnson, piracy as compared to privateering was but the same practice without a commission, and those who engaged in one or the other often made very little distinction betwixt the lawfulness of one and the unlawfulness of the other. Even during entirely legitimate and conventional privateering operations in European waters, many captains engaged in acts that were entirely unlawful as well as unpatriotic, if not deemed actual piracy.

Clark listed a number of such typical acts by privateers during King Williams War: some flew enemy colors to attack friendly ships; others stole prizes from allies or from privateers of their own nation; some plundered their own prizes, failing to report the entire cargo to the authorities; some smuggled; and some traded with the enemy. Others mistreated prisoners and in other ways violated the laws of war and wartime commerce. William Dampier made his first voyages aboard a merchantman and a man-of-war, then was twice a buccaneer, or more technically twice a pirate, then he became an English navy captain, and was also twice a legitimate privateer sailing to the South Sea.

Jean du Casse, the famous filibuster and governor of San Domingue, later served as a French naval commander escorting the Spanish treasure fleet from the New World to Corunna in Spain. Jacques Cassard was present at the siege and capture of Cartagena in , where filibusters, habitans, and colonial militia under du Casse fought more or less side by side with French soldiers and corsairs. He returned in to raid the English and Dutch in the West Indies, with local militia and boucaniers or filibusters in his company. The Comte de Forbin, naval officer and corsair, met the Sieur de Grammont, filibuster, in Petit Goave in , and spent much of his time there among the filibusters who had just returned from sacking Maracaibo.

Jean Doublet doubtless met filibusters at San Domingue and was even present during an attack by one of Admiral Benbows squadrons seeking to capture the filibuster leader Jean du Casse. The Canadian explorer, soldier, and mariner Pierre Lemoyne dIberville also conducted military operations in the West Indies in conjunction with filibusters, and his pilot to the Mississippi was the famous filibuster de Graff.

Henry Morgan learned his trade as a privateer captain under Sir Christopher Mings, a British naval commander. Desertion was another means of exchange. Doublets two English Jacobite deserters were noted earlier; some English, or perhaps more correctly, Irish, buccaneers deserted to the French filibusters during King Williams War, and some filibusters deserted to the English in the early eighteenth century.

Buccaneers and filibusters went back and forth as allies and enemies. Men like de Graff deserted from the Spanish, and others, the English captains Bond and Beare for example, deserted to them. Lessons learned in combat passed not only among buccaneers, but on to filibusters, corsairs, other privateers, common pirates, and even to navies in general. In many cases, a fairly obvious path of experience can be traced. Pierre le Picard served under LOllonois when he attacked Maracaibo, and he and LOllonois would have learned some of their trade from old-timers like Willem Blaeuveldt.

Le Picard later served under Henry Morgan, advising him to attack Maracaibo, and was still roving two decades later. Bartholomew Sharp, whom we met in the first chapter, was a buccaneer at this time, and carried some of Morgans tactics with him on the voyage to the South Sea. John Coxon, who left this same voyage early on, was another of Morgans cohorts, as were John Watling, Peter Harris whose nephew also became a buccaneer , and others.

William Dampier was another member of this same South Sea venture and later of another voyage among whose volunteers was an old buccaneer named Swan, a tough eighty-four year old who had served first under Cromwell in Ireland, then later in Jamaica in Cromwells time, staying on to become a buccaneer. Dampier later served as pilot aboard the Duke under Woodes Rogers in a privateering voyage to the South Sea and around the world from to An officer named Hatley served at the same time aboard the Duchess, the consort of the Duke, and later served as second captain on the disastrous voyage of George Shelvockes Speedwell privateer to the South Sea in , a voyage known today for its role in the inspiration of Coleridges Rime of the Ancient Mariner.

Hatley, whom Shelvocke rightly despised, shot an albatross. The variety of experience is also important to note: in this genealogy were buccaneer, filibuster, soldier, merchant captain, privateer, and naval officer. The experience of the Anglo-American pirates is similarly interwoven: for example, the notorious Lewis served under Joseph Bannister, a buccaneer and pirate contemporary of Sharp, Coxon, and Watling.

Bannister was. For example, modern close quarter battle CQB or CQC tactics originally developed by military counterterrorist units for hostage rescue have eventually filtered over three decades, both formally and informally as well as officially and unofficially, into other special operations units and federal hostage rescue teams, and into conventional military units and mainstream law enforcement SWAT teams. The sea, naturally, was one: the ocean and all it touched was the sea rovers territory, and all upon it and all near it were his likely prey.

Traditions and practices of the sailor are embedded in the sea rovers behaviors. Sea rovers were also unified in that most who followed the trade were given to risk-taking. There is a strong sense of individuality, antiauthoritarian rebellion, and social marginality running through most sea-roving journals. And finally, sea rovers were an opportunistic lot, even if theirs was a calculated opportunism; all those who hazard their lives on ventures of high risk high gain are. However, perhaps the most significant commonality, and the principal one in terms of tactics, was that the sea rover sought personal, material gain by force of arms upon the sea.

Wee resolveing now to cruise these Seas, for wealth, wrote an anonymous buccaneer at the beginning of a South Sea cruise. Hereupon we resolved to go to Panama [in] which place, if we could take [it], we were assured we should get treasure enough to satisfy our hungry appetite for gold and riches, wrote Basil Ringrose of the same cruise. As a pirate gunner put it, I, as I believe most of the company, came here to get money, but not to kill, except in fight, and not in cold blood, or for private revenge.

In the case of our South Sea buccaneers, those who had money wanted to go home. Those who had lost theirs at dice wanted to stay in the South Sea until they had some again. No matter how patriotic, sea rovers did not seek plunder in order to gain strategic, military, or political.

Quite the contrary. These advantages were the strategic intention of privateering, or the guerre de course, and were often recognized as the ultimate purpose to which privateers were putfor example, to demoralize the Dutch people, and destroy its merchant fleet and fishing boats, as one corsair put it.

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Yet the individual sea rover engaged in his trade primarily and often solely for profit. His raison detre was plunder and riches while avoiding the briny deep and the gallows dance. Geoffrey Symcox noted that the French guerre de course, or privateering war, might have been more effective had not the incentive of private gain naturally eclipsed the long-range political and military interests of the state. Clark, referring to privateers in general, put it: Devotion to their countrys cause was a secondary motive for men and commanders alike.

Although the Great Age of Sea Roving was no more violent than our modern world, it was still a time in which day-to-day firsthand exposure to violence and its effects was far more common and perhaps more acceptable than in todays industrialized world. Criminal punishments were often unconscionably cruel, dueling was a socially acceptable if unlawful means of conflict resolution between individuals, and disease and trauma manifested themselves obviously and routinely, rather than being hidden away in hospitals.

It is doubtful any sea rover gave the common violence of his trade a second thought. Only in the degree of humanity toward those who asked for quarter, were taken prisoner, or were noncombatants did sea rovers vary. Whatever the reasons someone went rovingand the reasons were manythe ultimate purpose of the pursuit of wealth by force of arms rarely changed. Even when William Dampier wrote of his fanciful Golden Dreams of privateers fortifying Santa Maria on the Isthmus of Darien, he dreamed not of establishing a privateers utopia, but of capturing and controlling the great gold mines of the region.

At their core was a desire for freedom from all nations so that theft might be pursued as legitimate business, even for those who wanted to live far from conventional civilization. To retire and live as sovereign princes among the inhabitants required considerable spoils and a far-flung haven such as Madagascar, as well as a willingness. They were neither selfsustaining nor peaceful in their trade. While some might legitimately describe piracy as a terror of the weak against the strong, in practice this terror of the weak was often directed against the even weaker.

It is important to distinguish between the reasons someone took up a trade and the purpose itself of the trade, for the latter often held the greatest sway over ones behavior. Many men and women, for example, join the armed services for a variety of personal reasons or are perhaps induced by social forces to do so, but the mission exerts the greatest influence not only on tactics, but also on the individuals daily routine, shaping much of his or her ultimate perspective. Psychological, sociological, and cultural factors certainly influence behavior, but it was the sea rovers purpose or mission to which much of his behavior was directed.

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Historians might write and describe from a perspective of social forces, but the individual lived and learned and acted from a personal one. From the rovers perspective, his purpose was based on a desire to take, for personal profit, wealth from others on and near the sea. The influences were several.

Wealth drew a variety of men to the trade. It often led governors, customs officers, and juries to look the other way when confronted with plunder and contraband, or even to engage themselves actively in the illicit tradeneed and greed are powerful influences. But most importantly, the greatest influence of the purpose of taking wealth by force of arms was on tactics. This point was well recognized during the period.

That our Business was indeed Fighting when we could not help it, but that our main Affair was Money, and that with as few Blows as we could. And what would they have by choiceMoney without Fighting, or Fighting without Money? Boteler made a similar point almost a century earlier: the roving pirate assaults not where he expects a firm resistance. First, it emphasized the surprizal, or surprise attack. Surprise provided a significant advantage over a larger force, changing the odds so that a. Surprise also minimized losses and usually preserved both predator and prize from serious damage.

Surprise prevented inhabitants from fleeing with their valuables. Second, it emphasized the ruse or stratagem as the preferred method of surprise. Not all could be intimidated into surrender, nor could all be ambushed or surprised by night or cover. A ruse was an effective way to surprise the prey.

Third, it mandated effective use of limited resources, often by improvisation. A sea rover might make a canoe serve as a man-of-war, or a musket as a cannon, all to limit the waste of resources, even when plentiful. Sea roving was a venture for profit. It served neither investor nor crew well to be unnecessarily profligate, not to mention that resources were often limited by circumstance.

Seamanship was critical, for prizes at sea could not be had without it. Often it was the clinching factor, with most prizes striking when a rover came within hailing distance. The sea rover emphasized the best use of limited resources in other ways as well. In Exquemelins words, their genius made up for any default in their means.

He emphasized courage in battle and believed every man should do his part. He emphasized leadership from the front and rewarded leaders only for victory, not defeat. Fourth, the rovers purpose emphasized speed and mobility. The ability to move and change direction rapidly permits an attacker to strike with a smaller force. At its most fundamental, mobility is about speed, and speed in battle can be improved only in a few ways: by using technology to increase raw speed designing or sailing a faster vessel , by simplifying logistics traveling lightly through the jungle , by simplifying tactics using simple ambuscades as opposed to complex assaults on multiple fronts , by improving communications a technically difficult proposition during the period under study , by actively anticipating the enemy gathering and using intelligence , or by slowing the enemy down, thus increasing the attackers relative speed using deception, such as misleading information, or physically hindering him.

Speed is inextricably linked to tactical execution: it was worthless if the sea rover could run down his prey but could not defeat him long enough to plunder him. Simplification can have its drawbacks, too, of which predictability is the most serious. Fifth, in spite of the emphasis on stratagem, the sea rovers ideal of minimizing risk and maximizing profit often required great risk or daring, for great riches were well protected. The sea rover did not object to risk, but usually made only a calculated risk in exchange for a correspondingly.

Duguay-Trouin, the French corsair who perhaps epitomized the concept of warfare as legitimate business, said that fortune often aids valor that is a bit reckless. Yet he knew to not waste valor on unprofitable ventures. He and his brethren might be capable of extraordinary feats of arms in the face of overwhelming numbers, but there was no sense in exhibiting these martial virtues merely for their own sake. In sum, he was not wont to shed his own blood for the sake of futile purpose. To put his usually limited resources to best use, as well as to preserve both his own life and the plunder he desired, he invariably sought victory along the path of least resistance, taking other routes only in desperation.

Likewise, he had no scruples about walking away from a fight he considered unprofitable or otherwise pointless, even if a military commander might label him a coward. Still, most sea rovers were not merely businessmen or merchants who took to the sea to steal by force of arms instead of through law and capital.

Sea roving was a difficult and dangerous trade, and its riches often temporary or illusory. Most merchants preferred to sit at home and invest their money while others took the risks, but the sea rover put his body in harms way in the service of his greed. At best, merchants had but the Courage to adventure their Estates on an Undertaking, which to Men less discerning seemd impracticable. As far as mortality goes, sea roving had the disadvantages not only of the seas perils, but also of deliberate battle. It was especially hazardous for commanders, all of whom were expected to lead: they were expected at the front amidst the fighting, in the thick of it, leading by example.

Indeed, rovers saw the ideal commander in battle as one who commanded sword in hand and head held high, ranging under fire from bow to stern to exhort his men, musket balls passing through his clothes and hat as he did. Of course, sea rovers were neither the originators of unconventional tactics nor the only ones to use such tactics during this period. Native Americans attacked from surprise and concealment, and then quickly withdrew. Colonial militias quickly learned to use similar unconventional tactics against them.

Never mind that the vainglorious butchery of the conventional battlefield was appalling, and the distress it visited upon the local population often just as bloody and brutal. Many conventional commanders had their own set of ideas about how all warfare should be conducted, and disdained anything different, much as many conventional military commanders today often frown on special operations forces except, of course, when they need them.

Jeremy Roch, captain of the Charles Galley man-of-war, wrote of being reprimanded for my Lieutenants good actions, who had played some buckanneer tricks with three of the men belonging to the three prizes we brought in here formerly. Roch does not further identify these tricks but they were doubtless some form of mistreatment of the three prisoners, probably in regard to interrogation.

This scorn went beyond any perceived brutality; it extended to the very nature of some of the tactics themselves as not being chivalrous or honorable, or at least not worthy of a gentleman of valor. Woodes Rogerss scorn toward the buccaneers has already been noted, and he was himself a privateer.

When Sir Christopher Mings, a man well known for his unconventional stratagems, prepared to attack Campeche, he was advised by the Jamaica Privateers, to take it by Stratagem in the Night, yet he replied, that he scorned to steal a Victory; therefore when he went against it, he gave them warning of his Approach, by his Drums and Trumpets; yet he took the Fort at the first Onset. It gave Henry Morgan the city of Panama and a knighthood. What it gave John Watling will be seen.

I conceived the idea of joining the buccaneers, sailing away with them, seizing what money I could from the Spanish and, in this way, paying my debts, wrote Raveneau de Lussan. Forced loans like these. There were always some willing to answer the call of the sea, or of the recruiting broadside plastered to the wall of a tavern, or of the scuttlebutt of rum-drunk wench-fondling adventurers that Captain Laurens sought volunteers for a raid upon the main.

Cliche though it be, the image was a powerful one. Yet long before Samuel Johnson suggested that being in a ship is being in a jail, with the chance of being drowned, John Donne had written that to mew me in a Ship, is to inthrall Mee in a prison, that were like to fall. Long voyages are long consumptions, and ships are carts for executions.

And these conditions aboard ships at sea were common knowledge. So why answer the seas call in spite of this? Because the temptation was overwhelming. The lures of opportunity, rebellion, need, greed, and travel, combined with the allure of the sea and a roving itch for adventure, clinched it for most. Having now been at home about five months, and the itch of roving not yet laid, wrote Francis Rogers. Owners or armateurs often approached a captain with an offer to arm and outfit a ship for him, but just as often, he might approach investors with an offer to command on their behalf.

Pirates likewise elected their commanders. Some authorized attacks on land as well. The commission named the commander, his vessel, and often its armament. A privateer was a private man-of-war, while a letter-of-mart ship was a merchantman, more heavily armed and manned than one usually was and granted permission to make prizes of the enemy during the course of a trading voyage. The privateering commission permitted him to do this lawfully, and instructions often strictly enjoined him from trade.

Further, the collective term of letters of marque and reprisal referred to two distinct authorizations. A letter of marque was permission to attack the enemy in time of war. A letter of reprisal, rare in Britain after the restoration of Charles II, was permission to individuals in time of peace to make a reprisal to redress their own grievances. A commission also named the authority under which it was granted, its duration, and specifically against whom the privateer could proceed, and was often accompanied by a letter of instruction laying out the details of the law as regarded privateering.

Commissions also often required a substantial bond, at least among legitimate privateers. The granting and authentication of commissions was a practice much abused, especially in the European colonies. In the seventeenth century some colonial governors granted them unlawfully or failed to examine them closely when rovers brought prizes into port.

A superficial appearance of legitimacy often sufficed. Buccaneers and filibusters were notorious for prolonging. Some pretended a commission meant to last three months was instead for three years. Others pretended that a commission to fish, fowl, and hunt on Hispaniola permitted cruising against the Spanish, because the commission allowed for retaliation if attacked. Depending on the size of the crew, the length of the voyage, and its nature, the various officers and sea artists ranged from few to many, as given in appendix 2. Legitimate privateers on long cruises tended to carry more, as well as a greater variety of, officers, while pirates relied on far fewer.

Long voyages, particularly those into the South Sea or the Red Sea, required large crews and a complete set of sea artists. Rovers in general carried large crews to offset attrition from battle, disease, and prize crews. The principal officers of a small English privateer were typically the captain and lieutenant or master, or sometimes all three. The pirate Phillipss officers were captain, master, carpenter, boatswain, and gunner, while Lowthers numbered a captain, master, doctor, mate, gunner, and boatswain.

On most English vessels, a quartermasters chief duties were to assist the master or mate with the watch and to assist with conning the helm. Woodes Rogers entered four aboard the Duke privateer. He was to speak for and look after the crews interest, a trustee for the whole. Non-toxic ABS bricks with high stability, no smell; Reduce choking hazards. Solid de Solid design keeps pieces tightly connected for durable playtime. Deep color ship will be a very cool collection for your boys' favorite.

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The Cost of Somali Piracy April 12, Other estimates are listed in the notes and errata section of the Pirate Hunting page. Post a comment. Hostage Rescue December 24, Tags: Somali piracy , Anti-Piracy. The ship was captured by Somali pirates almost three years ago. Be the first to comment. Piracy Law May 14, Tags: piracy law , law of piracy.