Guide Schwarzer Fluch (Detective Daryl Simmons 3) (German Edition)

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Where the dwelling sits in an enclosed compound, the courtyard provides the protection for cattle and other livestock Pawar , 45—6, for an example. Even in the relatively small area of the United Kingdom considera- ble variation exists in the form of housebarns. In northwestern England, Wales, and lowland Scotland the predominant example is the narrow, rectangular longhouse, with centered hearth and smoke hole or chimney essentially dividing the human domain from that of the animals Peate ; Aalen , 38—9; Whyte , The most critical diagnostic feature of the longhouse is the cross-passage, which served both as entrance to the living area for humans and walkway to the byre area for milk cows Smith, J.

Along the Scottish—English border a radically different form appears in the bastle house. The building rises a full two stories with ani- mals housed below, an arrangement not found elsewhere in Britain Quiney , —6. An outside stairway gives access to the upper floor, but originally entry was probably by a removable ladder Ramm, McDowall and Mercer The third variation in UK housebarns, the laithe house form, occurs across the upland area of the Pennines. The laithe house is a two-story dwelling with a one-story animal shelter and barn fully integrated into the structure.

The laithe house incorporates a barn as well as a byre, which the other house- barns do not Smith, P. It might be useful at this point to explain differences in terminology in use in the British Isles and in North America. In the latter area the word barn is applied to structures that house animals, including cows and horses, as well as equipment and fodder, and often grain.

The barn is normally the largest structure on the farmstead, often supple- mented by small special-use buildings such as chicken coops, smokehouses, springhouses, and others. The barn often carries a modifier to more specifically designate its particular use, such as dairy barn, sheep barn, potato barn and so on. In the British Isles the word barn is reserved for grain storage structures, and the terms byre or shippon are applied to cow shelters.

Horses are sheltered in a sepa- rate stable building. In addition to the housebarns highlighted above, a very wide range of similar structures could be cited across the world. The further in time a person goes back to examine human habitation, the more likely one is to encounter structures providing shelter to both humans and domestic animals, even though the structures appear to be smaller and smaller. As agricultural income gradually improved, societies became more stable, and as the need for security lessened, animals increasingly were sheltered in a separate building. Their growing popularity was the result of the need for more powerful horses to draw the newly invented 12th—13th century mould board plows, the more general use of horses for all kinds of activities, the growing trade in milk and milk products, and an increased demand for meat.

Initially, in North America barns were transplanted forms brought by early immigrant settlers. Each group introduced structures they knew from their origins in Europe, so that a number of distinctly ethnic barns are easily identified today in North America. They range from the English three-bay threshing barn to the German grundschier and bank barn with forebay, to the Dutch squarish-plan, gable-entry structure, to the French long barn, and a number of less common types Noble , — The study of traditional buildings is difficult enough when examples are still extant, even though altered from original form.

However, the research is much more difficult and problematic when only traces of the structure remain. Archeologists, although they may seem at times to be overly preoccupied with pottery fragments and copper coins, perform a critically useful service to all other students of traditional buildings by pushing the frontier of knowledge back- wards to illuminate early features, thus helping others to understand much later buildings. Nevertheless, much of the work of archeo- logists, at least in the beginning of research, must necessarily remain conjectural.

Addyman , —7 provides a nice example of conjectural investigation. He offers three drawings to illustrate the possible evo- lution of early Anglo-Saxon houses of which virtually nothing remains today. The earliest buildings appear to have had paired posts in individual post-holes. Later, more closely spaced poles were erected in a continuous trench.

The observer of traditional buildings quickly recognizes that the func- tions of a structure may change over time. For most structures the changes will be downward. A dwelling that outlives its usefulness as the family grows may be converted to storage if its structure is still sound. This may also happen if the economic position of the family improves Richmond , A recently discovered New World Dutch timber-frame house in Schohaire, New York illustrates such conversion and the difficulty of its identification without close inte- rior inspection. The structure today represents a 19th-century carriage barn, but the exterior conceals a circa Dutch house.

In the 19th century the house frame was stripped. Its mud-and-straw infill and riven lath removed. Sinclair , 1—3 On the American frontier, log houses might be replaced by more elaborate and fashionable dwellings as family fortunes increased, or as time permitted Bonar , , or as alternative materials became available Dickinson , 5.

A similar process ocurred in rural Ontario Coffey in the middle of the 19th century, when rural prosperity as a result of high wheat prices enabled settlers to replace early log houses with larger and more fashionable frame, brick or stone ones Blake and Greenhill , 3. The progression from temporary shelter in a dugout or hut, to semi-permanent log house, and finally to permanent timber or lumber frame, or brick or stone house is such a common theme in North America that it is com- mented upon by numerous scholars Carter , ; Bakerdsay , —2; Carson et al.

Another possibility, as noted above, was simply to use the log cabin as a nucleus and to construct a new house around it Jones , If the structure remained sound, the logs frequently were covered by clapboards, sawn planks, stucco or even a facing of bricks, provid- ing a tighter building able to withstand deterioration better. The most compelling reason for such modification, however, was not heat retention but to gain status. Thus it was in North America that early log cabins often ended up as pig sties or chicken coops. On the other hand, the reverse is possible, although not as fre- quent.

Witness the modern conversion and renovation of barns to become upscale dwellings Schmertz A commonly encountered change of structural form is one that accompanies either growth in family size or increase in household income. Both situations encourage expansion of the dwelling by add- ing floor levels, or by horizontal expansion of the original plan. Several advantages of vertical expansion may encourage its use. Function and Form 33 Because heat rises, an upper floor benefits in winter without the necessity to provide an additional heat source.

Also, extra roofing is not required. Upper stories have greater security than horizontal wings. Finally, there is no loss of agricultural land or no necessity to clear additional forest. One Appalachian solution to the problem of adding needed living space to an existing small cabin was the dogtrot, sometimes called the dogrun, possum trot, two pens-and-a-passage, double house, or erro- neously the double pen Latham , 8.

A second log or frame pen Sketch and generalized floor plan of a dogtrot house. The dashed line indi- cates the extent of the overhanging roof. The dogtrot itself is the roofed, but otherwise open, area between the two pens drawing by M. The roof of the first structure was then extended over the open space the dogtrot and the additional building Hulan The dogtrot was protected from the rain and, because its front and back were open, the Bernoli principle provided a cooling effect, desirable in the long Appalachian summers.

However, the dogtrot was not limited to Appalachia Weslager , 72, —1, —8; Hulan , 25—32 , with numerous early examples in Pennsyl- vania and the eastern Midwest. From Appalachia the dogtrot spread across the upland areas of the southeastern United States, into the Ozark uplands of Arkansas and Missouri Marshall , 55 and as far west as Texas Bracken and Redway , Oklahoma Henderson et al. All of the factors mentioned above as promoting the building of dogtrot houses may also have played a part in the popularity of single- room-plan, two-story dwellings, termed stack houses Figure These structures have been discussed by R.

Brunskill , —5 as they occur in the Eden Valley in northern England, where they con- sist of kitchen and pantry separated by a light internal partition on the ground floor and a single bedroom on the upper floor. Houses of a similar floor plan are reported from colonial Virginia Lounsbury , 24 , colonial Maine and New Hampshire Candee , 44—51 , and later in German-settled areas of Missouri Roark and McCutchen Adding stories to other house types is common and unremarkable, a sensible way to add space. Horizontal expansion is also a commonly employed technique every- where Figure Polish-occupied houses in Buffalo, New York built in the early 20th century are characterized by an add-on form to accommodate growing extended families as well as newly arrived immigrant Polish males Noble a, 23—4.

Horizontal expansion also produced the extended chattel house in Barbados Fraser , 6— The original wooden frame dwellings are typically very small, twice as wide as deep, gable-roofed, with a central door flanked by windows. They developed as a response to the freeing of African slaves by the British in the 19th century. Because most of the cultivat- able land was owned by sugar plantations, the only locations for the slaves to build their own houses were small plots of marginal land in the vicinity of the plantations where they now worked as tenants Ainsley , Function and Form 35 Sketch and floor plans of the German stack house-type found in Missouri.


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Each floor normally has just a single room from Roark and McCutchen , Courtesy of the Pioneer America Society. Because the tenants could not own the land on which they built their houses the structures had to be small, easily dismantled, and readily moveable to a new location if necessary, hence the local name of chattel house.

In Barbados, original chattel houses could be disassembled, lifted in parts onto a cart, and easily moved. Over time, rear room units were added to accommodate addi- tional family members. Add-on houses are typical of Polish neighborhoods in Buffalo, NY. Addi- tions were added as the family expanded, and also to provide additional sleeping rooms for single male boarders from Noble a, This final room addition typically had a more easily built shed roof rather than the gable roofs that covered each of the other earlier units Figure Construction is a dynamic activity that responds to human demands.

Sketch of a chattel house, Barbados. Although not shown in this drawing, the rear sections are sometimes a bit wider than the original front section in order to provide better ventilation. Each section can be disassembled quickly for moving to a new site. Most chattel houses do not have basements. Function and Form 37 tion and adjustment.

The influence of people in determining building form is so great that many scholars assign it first rank, surpassing even climate and availability of construction materials Arreola , The building of a traditional house, although the original responsi- bility of the owner, may involve the entire local community: The owner of a house is his own architect, designer, and builder. He has at his disposal a local supply of labor and materials. The women and girls supply water from the river, and the men provide timber, rope, puddled earth, and thatch and other roofing materials, depending on what each can afford at the time.

Agorsah , Human needs, wants, and affluence constantly change as do fashions, and this is reflected in changes in construction methods, the populari- zation of new plans, the acceptance of different building styles, the use of new construction materials, and adoption of innovations derived from outside sources.

Jae-pil Choi , 19—20 has cataloged the extensive changes which took place in Korean traditional houses after the Korean War of the early s. These included sliding doors replaced by swinging doors, the introduction of brick and concrete block as building materials, incorporation of an attached bathroom, water piped into the dwelling, entry to the kitchen inside the house, and the replacement of the courtyard by a front yard. Even such seemingly esoteric factors as changes in taxation may affect structural form. The part that taxation has played is often overlooked in studies of the design of traditional buildings.

Most readers will readily recognize that property taxes vary with the number of rooms and size of a building. In some rural areas of the United States and Canada, disused or relict structures are removed in order to lower property taxes Mann and Skinulis , 27 , which may be, in part, based upon the number of buildings on a property. It may also have the unintentional consequence of removing potentially significant buildings, making them unavaila- ble for future investigators to study.

In northern India on the Bhutan border, taxes in an earlier period were assessed on the basis of the number of shrines or household worship rooms in a dwelling Sen and Dhar , Needless to say, the number was kept to an absolute minimum, except in the most affluent houses. Taxation has even determined the roof type at certain times and in certain locations. In both Europe and America use of the gambrel roof was often a strategy to avoid taxation based upon number of living floors.

The gambrel roof gave much more headroom in an upper floor than the gable roof, but a room under the roof was considered an attic and thus not taxed Eberlein , 26; Kauffman , Similarly, tax laws made the one-and-a-half-story log house the most common dwelling in Ontario in the first half of the 19th century. Buildings of entirely round logs peeled but not dressed , which required about a foot of chinking, and were never very airtight, were removed from the tax roll in The side effect was to produce a rash of round log stables and outbuildings where draught — and appearance — were not the primary concerns.

In order to get the most out of their cabins and still stay within the law, settlers increased the head room in the attic sleeping loft by increasing the height of the outside walls. This gave them the same superficial space and number of rooms as a two-storey house at a frac- tion of the cost. For a man with a large family this could mean as many as 21 children it was the most economical minimum shelter available.

Ondaatje and Mackenzie , W6 Brian Coffey , , however, is of the opinion that tax had little to do with the form and materials of the building, but availability and cheapness of construction materials were far more important. Much better known is the effect of window and chimney or hearth taxes in medieval Europe. However, Pamela Simpson notes that sometimes window taxes have been used incorrectly to explain the presence of bricked-in windows. She calls attention to the Campbell house in Lexington, Virginia, which has four false windows on its gable end.

The window tax of to in Britain is offered by Campbell house guides as the explanation for this Virginia feature, but in fact no window tax was ever levied in Virginia. Function and Form 39 Window taxes were, however, levied in Britain in the 17th Cook , 46 , 18th and early 19th centuries Camesasca , 6 , in Ireland beginning in Gailey , 34; Patterson , 11 , and were employed in some parts of the New World Eberlein , In the UK a window tax was instituted in to make up for a deficiency in revenue caused by defaced coins as silver was recoined in the reign of William III.

Although this tax was abolished in —51, bricked-up windows of early structures may still be seen. The win- dow tax levied in France was based upon the size of the opening. Even more widespread in Europe and elsewhere were hearth or fireplace taxes. About in Denmark the government decreed that every hearth had to have a chimney. In part this was an attempt to reduce fire risks from open-hearth fires that burned in several rooms of each farmhouse or housebarn.

Equally important, however, was the desire on the part of officials to simplify the collecting of the tax. Tax collectors, henceforth, only had to count the number of chimneys from outside the single-story structure. The strategy adopted by many farmers in new houses was to gather hearths together in the black kitchen and use a single chimney for all. In the early years of the 19th century, fireplace taxes were intro- duced as assessments on residential dwellings in the province of Ontario, Canada.

There is no doubt that this method of assessment had some effect on the types of houses favoured in Upper Canada.


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By establishing what amounted to a hearth tax, it tended to limit the overall size of houses and to ensure that, in some cases, they were inadequately heated. It also served to increase the popularity of the storey-and-a-half house, and to make it the usual type of farm dwelling in this province. Blake and Greenhill , 25 Another tax that had an unusual effect on building was the brick tax in force in the UK from to Forrester , x. It had the further and wider effect for traditional buildings of virtually eliminating bricks as a major construction material in rural areas.

The abolition of the brick tax in resulted in a much greater employment of smaller and thus cheaper brick as a building material in England in the latter half of the 19th century and through- out the 20th Seaborne , Other aspects of legislation or official policy also affect the form of buildings. In Grenada in the Caribbean traditional buildings have tile roofs rather than the wooden shingles typical on other Caribbean islands. Their use dates to serious fires in and and a subse- quent law requiring houses to be built only with brick and stone and to have tile roofs Acworth , Governmental restrictions or feudal policies have also served to keep building activity confined in certain directions.

The ordinary people had to make do with other materials or woven panels of left-over tim- ber [wattle? Similarly, in early Korea the monarch set the rules for housing, including per- mitted size, form, and building materials. House decoration was prohibited for most households Choi et al. Restrictions took a different direction in Yemen, where religion was the paramount consideration.

Therefore, Jewish houses typically have a low cellar or basement, allowing the upper floors to be a half story lower than Muslim dwellings. Another religiously inspired, but quite differently controlled, fea- ture in Jewish houses in Yemen is the placement of a large enclosed courtyard on the uppermost floor of the structure. The courtyard provided the necessary space and offered an airy, spacious yet intimate place the rest of the year. It is thus that the form and functions of structures can be best understood in their widest context.

The problem is that the worldwide study of traditional buildings is such a vast undertaking that it has been done only partially and piecemeal hitherto. Hence, many different classifi- cation systems have been proposed and adopted. Perhaps the most critical problem now facing students of traditional building is to relate disparate terms and reconcile classification systems. Such an objective cannot be achieved immediately; it requires the agreement of many, many investigators. Furthermore, while scholars may even- tually come to agreement, locally used terms will persist.

Perhaps the best answer is the compilation of extensive glossaries, but this effort is time consuming and offers little immediate reward to scholars in terms of academic recognition. Considered together, or even individually, examination of these dimensions provides clues to the possible evolu- tion and relationship of structures Ragette , Even sketches from widely scattered sources may suggest evolutionary relation- ships. Michael Williams , 65 provides different examples of evolu- tionary floor-plan development from southwestern North Carolina. For many families the addition of a kitchen was directly linked to the acquisition of a cook stove, so that food preparation was no longer done over an open hearth.

The plan reveals the shape and horizontal extent of a structure, as well as the internal arrangement of its space. It also may explain, or at least suggest, the function of rooms. The idea of a floor plan revealing or explaining the functions of rooms, however, is basically a Western idea. As Osker Reuther noted when speaking of houses in Baghdad, the idea of a permanent, unchangeable function for most rooms cannot be applied to most non-Western houses. The function often depends upon the time of day, and it may change with the change of seasons.

Two areas, the kitchen and the toilet, normally require particular attention in a dwelling. Some food also must be cooked, creating a fire hazard and also generating heat that must be dissipated. Preparation of food is normally female activity and in many societies females are secluded. Thus, the kitchen must be secluded as well. In coastal Mid-Atlantic areas, as well as the rest of the US coastal lowland to the south, the kitchen possessed a further feature that favored its removal to the farthest part of the house: most food preparation was performed by slaves.

Originally, in Europe, cooking was done over a small fire in a cen- trally positioned hearth, which, because it also provided warmth, became the center of the universe of the dwelling. Thus, the hearth achieved the symbolic importance of sanctity. Even today it retains this mystical significance in many societies. As time has passed, how- ever, the location of the kitchen has changed and its quasi-religious connection has diminished in both European and many other societies. Early on, some people everywhere recognized that prevailing winds could influence location.

Kitchens and toilets, with their odors, functioned best on the lee sides of the dwellings Bourgeois , Even better was to remove the kitchen to a close-by but separate struc- ture Metraux —51, 12; Forrester , 3; Westmaas , ; Wilhelm , 18; Edwards —80, 16; Lounsbury , This had additional advantages of reducing both fire risk and, in hot weather, the discomfort of cooking heat in the main structure.

A fine example illustrating the movement of the kitchen away from the main structure may be found in the Ngadju longhouses in Borneo, where a row of kitchens occupies only the part of a building separated from the living quarters by an elongated, open verandah Miles , As in many other tropical regions, detached kitchens or cooking places were universal in traditional building areas in Haiti Metraux —51, A further discussion of kitchens and heating may be found in Chapter The location of the toilet also required some thought Figure In primitive societies the two tasks of cleansing, washing or bathing, and that of elimination of human wastes, were treated as quite separate functions, although both required some privacy and separation of sexes.

Washing was an act of cleansing, while defecation and urinat- ing were polluting acts. Therefore, bathing was first to move within the dwelling itself. The basic problem, of course, was always obtain- ing sufficient water close by or in the structure itself. The well and the privy are conveniently located adjacent to one another. Unfortunately, their proximity is an invitation to contamination of the water supply. A cobocolo farmstead in the Amazonian rain forest near Belem, Brazil photo by the author, Elimination of human waste originally took place in the bush or in the fields.

A latrine or toilet structure separated from the dwelling was the first improvement. Only recently have toilets been included within the house. In many parts of the world separated latrines still function Ragette , 32 , or as in south Asia, it may still be the fields that are used, and customarily after dark. Tibetan houses offer an arrangement that seems to be a halfway measure between the bush and incorporation inside the house. Typical two-story Tibetan houses have stairs located on the west sides, and often outside.

The toilet space is usually located in an enclosure at the top of the exterior stairs. On the Great Plains, privies occupied hidden sites on the farmsteads. Plan and Elevation 45 Variations in room plan in three simple log dwellings built prima- rily by the Scots-Irish and common in their early settlement of eastern North America suggest the utility of understanding the plan.

Each of the structures contains just two rooms. The double pen house has two fireplaces, one at each gable. There is little formal differentiation of functions in the house. The saddlebag house differs only, but signifi- cantly, in having the fireplaces and chimney on the wall separating the two rooms, rather than on the gable. The third structure, the dogtrot house, has its two rooms separated by an open passageway, although a common roof covers all.

The passageway, or dogtrot, is a daytime work and socializing space Ferris , In Lebanon, a dwelling called the liwan house is quite similar in form to the North American dogtrot. The liwan itself is centrally posi- tioned between two enclosed rooms and is roofed, but open on one side, often to make use of an attractive view Ragette , The liwan serves as a general living space and an area to receive visitors El-Khoury It frequently has benches around the walls and in later and more elaborate versions will have a small, central fountain, reminiscent of the courtyards found elsewhere in the Arab Middle East.

The floor plan may sometimes tell us a great deal about the general background of dwelling builders. For example, three quite distinct floor plans appear in the early log homes of North America erected by three different ethnic groups. The simplest, occurring primarily in the upland areas of the southeastern US, is a single-room, square-plan cabin with strong English connections Glassie ; Glassie It also exists in many western areas of the US. The English had no tradi- tion of log construction, but single-room, square-plan houses built in other materials were fairly common in some parts of England Brunskill , These structures appeared in the southeastern US as frame houses as often as they did in log.

The eastern US distri- bution of square cabins has been delineated by Henry Glassie , to include the eastern slopes of the Blue Ridge in Virginia and a less dense pattern throughout the Upland South region. In Idaho square log cabins date from pioneer settlement as recent as the late 19th century Attebery The Scots-Irish log house contains two rooms, usually of unequal size and a distinctly rectangular plan Wilson Widely found throughout eastern North America, its greatest concentration occurs in the uplands of Appala- chia.

Augmented by Fenno-Scandinavian settlement, a significant landscape of these log buildings also developed in north-central United States Klammer The adoption of log construction by the Scots-Irish, who had no tradition of log building in the Old World, came as a result of contacts with Finns, Swedes and especially Ger- mans in the New World Kniffen and Glassie , The Germans utilized a quite different floor plan, however.

The interior position of the fireplace and chimney was one of the features that dis- tinguished this house from the other log dwellings, where these were on the gable. The larger of the two remaining rooms Stube was an all-purpose living, dining, work, and sleeping room. The smallest and most inaccessible room Kammer was for sleeping and storage of val- uables Bucher The plan was so firmly fixed in the Germanic tradition that later houses continued to employ the plan, even though they rearranged the hearth and used quite different building materi- als Barakat ; Pillsbury As settlement proceeded westward in North America groups tended to intermingle, in large part because of the American land pol- icy, which discouraged block grants.

Only when a nationality group migrated together at the same time and in large numbers could eth- nicity be maintained easily. Log structures did penetrate into the Great Plains Jordan ; Welsch , but halfway across the plains the climate became so dry that suitable trees could no longer be obtained and log construction gave way to sod, adobe, and stone. Although not an infallible guide, floor plans offer many clues about dwellings. Traditional dwellings are normally small, some- times very much so. Earlier dwellings elsewhere had similarly diminutive dimensions.

Early single-room structures in Britain-influenced areas were usu- ally limited to dimensions of about 15—16 feet because such a span was a traditional measurement Brown , Whether or not this is true, a 15—foot bay appears with repeated regularity. In Worcestershire and neighboring counties in the UK Midlands, two- or three-room houses of the later Middle Ages overwhelmingly meas- ured 15 x 30 feet and 15 x 45 feet respectively Dyer , 23—4.

In southwestern Nigeria, a survey of houses by John Vlach revealed that about 14 feet was the maximum width, although length varied between about 14 feet and over 45 feet. Here the governing fac- tor seems to be the length of available building timber components. This was also probably a major reason for the popularity of houses containing only a single row of rooms throughout Great Britain. However, agricultural prosperity in England allowed the widespread use of bricks for chimneys and glass for window openings to become common after Quiney , This change, coupled with greater diversity in room functions, the desire for greater privacy, and the trend to make more rooms useable through increased heating Brunskill , 43 , led to the employment of double-pile floor plans to replace the single-row plans.

In most traditional societies the plan of a structure was rigidly fixed and adhered to closely. One extreme example occurs with the Mongo- lian yurt, which, although consisting of a single room, was by consensus divided into four main spaces.


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This division was intersected by that of the male, or ritually-pure, half which was to the left of the door as you entered, and the female, impure, or dirty section to the right of the door, up to the xoimor. Within these four areas, the tent was further divided along its inner perimeter into named sections. Humphrey , Dwellings such as tents, tipis, and yurts, all have well-ordered inte- rior arrangements.

Those of the Asian yurt or kibitka, much like those of the North American Great Plains Indians, are rationalized by ther- mal comfort and psychological effect. The door faces south or east in order to give protection from cold winds that blow from the north or west in both northern Asia and the Great Plains. Men and women have their traditionally occupied areas; places closest to the door are work spaces; the south side of the structure is where visitors are received and entertained. Within the yurt every item had a proper place and the order was religiously enforced: It was considered a sin to move any utensil from its right place into another part of the tent.

There was no single place in the tent where a jumbled heap of things could be put indifferently. There was even a difference in the vertical heights at which objects could be placed: some things had to be wedged behind the roof-poles, some hung from pegs in the wall-lattices, and yet others were placed on the ground Humphrey , For example, the dwelling of the Tharu people of lowland Nepal is constructed to accommodate the welfare, comfort and needs of village and household deities Zurick and Shrestha , The rectangular-plan houses are situated so that longer walls run north—south.

The structure evolved into a two-room building known as a khata or manzanka Jorre , 81—2. One room usually contained the oven or stove, which doubled as a bed. Chandhoke , 58 , drawing upon an earlier study of a tribal people in Manipur state, India, offers the following interpreta- tion of dwelling plans: The Purum house is divided length-wise into two parts.

The right half is considered to be superior than the left half. This Right vs. Left classification is also observed in every element of the house and is even in its construction method. The very names for the right and left parts of the house, respectively, mean Private and Public, Superior and Inferior, Family and Outsiders. The Japanese approach interior space quite differently.

They view room functions as transitional. Why not play the drama of daily living on a single stage, shifting the scenery from human act to human act as needed? Circular and square or rectangular configurations account for the overwhelming majority of house floor plans across the world. Gener- ally, the circular form is more ancient and persists in areas with the lowest technological levels or the least requirement for adequate shel- ter, e. A circular floor plan also predominated in steppe grass areas where structures were porta- ble and frequently moved Campbell ; Drew Many scholars have proposed that square or rectangular floor plans are a later development than those of circular form Mishra , 9—11; Piggott While it is possible to define large areas where either rectangular or circular floor plans predominate Bernard et al.

Even so, the square- or rectangular-plan structures can frequently be documented as more recent than the circular ones Boudier and Minh-ha Nevertheless, Hiroshi Daifuku , 3 calls attention to early pit houses in Kamchatka of both square and rectangular plan, as well as circular ones of roughly the same age. The evolution of floor plans in ancient pit houses in Japan does not follow the accepted sequence of most other areas.

In Japan the earliest semi-subterranean houses have square floor plans. Later, rectangular plans predominated and the latest, but still early, prehistoric settle- ments were composed of structures with circular plans Maringer Rarely do rectangular and circular rooms occur in the same structure, although Charles DeKay , has provided at least one example from Estonia. Level of technological skills present in a group is, of course, a most strongly controlling element. Circular huts are, for several technical reasons, easier to construct than rectangular ones.

Also, the available building materials may restrict or favor certain shapes. Logs or timber, for example, do not produce circular plans, although by using very short lengths an approximation of circular can be achieved Noble , Finally, accessibility and contact with other groups from whom cultural borrowing may take place both have an effect. Malcolm offered a sketch map of Cameroon Figure , which illustrated these various features. In the more accessible coastal and southern areas, which are covered by tropical forest, rec- Distribution of circular and rectangular dwellings in Cameroon.

Both accessibility and availability of building materials have influenced the pattern drawing by Iraida Galdon Soler, based upon Malcolm , Plan and Elevation 51 tangular-plan, gable-roof huts predominated. This is also the region that has been exposed to the greatest European colonial influence. Further north and toward the interior, round huts of two types were found. The largest number were light, thatched structures with a con- ical roof. Smaller areas of mud beehive huts also occurred. Far to the north, simple brush shelters marked the transition from grasslands to desert scrub.

The transition between the grasslands and the forest also produced a unique structure built by the Bamileke, consisting of a square, mud-walled hut topped by a conical, thatched roof. In other areas of the world, oval-plan houses appear to be transi- tional between circular and rectangular types. James Walton has proposed a three-fold division of oval plan structures.

Ovate- oblong structures found in Kenya, southern Africa, Amazonia, the Deccan plateau of India, Italy, and South Yorkshire and the Lake Dis- trict of England, have semi-circular ends and straight sides. They originate from two vertical-walled, circular huts placed a short dis- tance apart and connected by two straight side-walls see Chapter 8 for a further discussion. A second group, the enlongated circle houses, is derived from adja- cent circular, stone, beehive huts. Numerous examples occur in the Orange Free State, but are uncommon elsewhere, although a few exist in Ireland, the Hebrides, and Italy.

The third group, the rounded- rectangular houses, occur in Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and Scandina- via. The roof is usually hipped and the floor plan is that of a rectangle with the corners rounded off. Accessibility is a function of distance, but within a dwelling accessibil- ity is also strongly controlled by social convention.

Thus, the dwelling is divided into areas, rooms or spaces that have limitations of various sorts. Almost all societies recognize that free access to non-family members does not extend without special permission beyond the first encountered room. Strangers may not get that far! The carefully drawn balance between privacy and interaction with the community [in Rajasthani villages] can also be seen in the treatment of guest rooms in the house.

These are locally known as kothdi, and are mostly used to accommodate the in-laws of the daughters of the house. Visitors from another village, staying one or two nights in the house are offered a room or set of rooms attached to the house but independently accessed with features of the main house like platforms and an enclosed open space.

Significantly there are no doors in the kothdi, except some- times in one room reserved for women, thus emphasizing the independent status of the guests. It provides a place where celebrations can take place involving the larger community without affecting the privacy of the main household. These may be based on gender, age or seniority, health, lineage, or religion. Similar gender restrictions occur in many traditional societies out- side India. The Amazonian Indians reside in communal dwellings with individual family compartments, but entry to the overall struc- ture is via two doors, one for the men east and the other for the women west.

Nevertheless, men and women move freely in both territories. Gender separation is carried to an extreme in the dwellings of the Mae Enga peoples in the western highlands of New Guinea, where completely separate structures are built for men and women Meggitt In contrast, Ronald Knapp , 51 observes that little considera- tion of privacy and separation exists in Chinese dwellings. Women do not have separate structures, rooms or areas of a house, nor do men.

What is found in the Chinese dwelling is an order based upon senior- ity and age, although movement of family members is largely unrestricted. The hierarchical nature of the Chinese house is seen quite clearly in courtyard houses of more prosperous and expanding families in Taiwan Dillingham and Dillingham The courtyard and ancestral hall are bisected by an imaginary north—south axis. As the family grows, new rooms are added, often necessitating new courtyards. Accessibility is controlled by social conventions that may be quite rigid Figure Among the Hausa of northern Nigeria, and elsewhere in much of West Africa, the extended family consists of a male head of house- hold, several wives and numerous unmarried children.

Married sons, their wives and children also may be included. The extended family also may consist of brothers, uncles and sons and their wives and children. Generalized plan of a Taiwanese multiple courtyard house. The ancestral hall occupies the innermost place, accessible only after passing through transi- tional rooms that act as successive social barriers drawing by Amy Rock. Separate huts for women and men within the compound are reasonably common in tropical African societies.

Excellent maps of tribal villages in Mali Brasseur clearly show the hierarchical order of settlement com- ponents, consisting of numerous well-defined compounds, in their turn made up of multiple huts containing two or even more walled- off spaces, which most Western-trained observers would probably call rooms. Among the Tswana of modern-day Botswana the compound may or may not be fenced or enclosed by a barrier of vegetation, and often contains only two houses plus a cattle kraal and an open cooking place.

Separation of indoor and outdoor space is clearly artificial Larsson and Larsson , Midway between outward- and inward-oriented dwellings were the outdoor wooden gathering places of the Pacific Northwest Coast peoples Figure In many societies, traditional dwellings demonstrate an inward- looking orientation Diddee , A central courtyard provides a focal point for family activities removed from the commerce of the street.

Even a partially accessible courtyard may have its limited but clearly defined functions. In the French Quarter of New Orleans the courtyard was the domain of servants and slaves who serviced kitchen, stable and carriage house. Access to the family living area required a climb up a flight of stairs, and from the street even the courtyard could be entered only through an enclosed passageway Curtis ; Al-Sabbagh In other societies the central courtyard performs a variety of differ- ent but important functions Subhashini It provides a protected play space for children; a valuable work area; and even if unroofed, as almost all courtyards are, a partial shelter from rain, wind, and sun.

Further, it offers privacy, especially for females of the family; a gath- ering place for social intercourse; a cool, safe, well-ventilated sleeping place in hot weather, and a convenient location for family celebrations and observances such as weddings and funerals. If small enough and Drawing of the wooden out- door decks located in front of First Nation tribal houses along the Pacific northwest coast, Canada. Raised above the level of high tide, the decks performed an important social function of group interaction in a comfortable environment.

The low wooden sides were sloped for ease of sitting from Stewart , Plan and Elevation 55 with two-story rooms surrounding, it can function as a chimney to help cool down the entire dwelling. Even structures that appear to be the same from the exterior may be placed in different categories by examining the floor plan, and vice versa Noble , —6. A small opening in the wall allows inhabitants to see who is at the door.

The second house type, which occurs throughout the west, is characterized by the addition of a rear door into the kitchen, offering the possibility of controlling windblasts into the building. The hearth has shifted to a gable position. The final house, most evident in the northeastern part of the island, adds another hearth on the remaining gable. However, F. Aalen , —52 prefers a simpler and later two-fold classification, dividing traditional Irish houses into a western type, derived from the long- house and consisting of three rooms, one of which is the byre, with hearths and chimneys at or near the gable, and an eastern type with a central hearth and chimney, lobby entrance, hipped roof, a floor plan of between three and six rooms, and no accommodation for cattle.

Some of the most interesting floor plans belong to the family known as shotgun houses. They include shotguns, double shotguns and camel- back houses, and are to be found throughout the Old South of the US Sledge and along the major tributaries of the Mississippi River. Houses quite similar to shotguns and camelbacks are also found in southern Haiti, from where they were introduced into Louisiana Vlach b, Originally a house type associated with Yoruba areas of Nigeria Vlach c , these houses in the southern US, Haiti, and Nigeria consist of a single file of rooms for better ventilation, a necessity in the tropics.

Early versions in both Haiti and Louisiana possessed a narrow facade, which had no windows, but two doors Vlach b, Much more interesting than this name is the etymology of the term shotgun. Because many such houses had doors aligned to each suc- ceeding room, the idea arose that one could stand in the front, fire a shotgun, and the pellets would exit the rear door without hitting any intervening obstruction. Unfortunately, as any hunter knows, there is a lot wrong with this idea. Shotgun charges fan out, which is why hunters love them; even the poorest shot can hit something!

In Haiti the togun brought by Yoruba slaves, and with doors mostly on the side of the structure, came into contact with the bohio, a similar house type of the Arawak Indians Figure This house had its entry in the end of the building. Gradually the two forms coalesced and it was this compound structure that was brought from Haiti to New Orleans, where the Norman system of roof framing, borrowed from the French, was added Vlach b, Tracing the migration of the shotgun house from Nigeria to Haiti to Louisiana shows clearly how persistent traditional building types can be.

At the same time, the modifications demonstrate the logic of the changes resulting from contact with various ethnic groups and different building approaches. Elevation is the term used to describe the vertical extent of a structure. Normally the term refers to that part of the building completely above ground. For example, traditional four-room houses in Romania are usually described as single-story structures, although their lower floor is a semi-excavated basement Camesasca , —4. Across the entire world, single-story and story-and-a-half structures predom- inate.

Such dominance is a circumstance of the long history of low income in traditional societies. Each floor defines a story, although half-stories may or may not count in different classifications. Sketch of a bohio, a house type of the Arawak Indians of the Caribbean. The bohio joined the togun as ancestors of the shotgun house of the southern US, as reported by Vlach b, 64 drawing from an early 19th-century Span- ish manuscript.

External appearances can be deceiving Trimble , Levels or positions of windows, for example, may not accurately reflect the number of stories. This is especially true with upper gable windows, which, when no loft floor is present, illuminate the ground story rather than just a loft. Examining Mennonite houses in northern Mex- ico, Jeffrey Lynn Eighmy , 88 found some with attics or storage areas, which often had an outside window. In Fenno-Scandinavia the loft had the important function of acting as a repository for the family valuables DeKay , , even including clothing worn only on festive occasions.

The loft, accessible only by ladder or stairs, was the most secure area of the dwelling. Many still exist on present-day farms throughout Norway. Using the inaccessible, thus secure, space of the attic or loft area to hold valuables is a practice widely followed in many parts of the world Kana , It is especially common in the humid tropics, enabling treasures to be stored away from the damp earth floor and its population of destructive insects.

The usefulness of the loft often depended in large part on the amount of headroom available Figure In pioneer America, log cabins produced from the Scottish and Irish traditions had a floor constructed at the top of the sidewalls; those following a Continental tradition placed the floor joists from three to five feet below the top of the wall Glassie , ; Cohen , This meant the Continen- tal cabin loft was much more useable. Roof type is also an important consideration in loft utilization. During the 17th century in south- eastern England, gable roofs began to replace the earlier hipped roofs.

The gable loft provided more headroom, and hence utility, than the hipped Barley , Later on, the expanded gambrel roof con- tinued the drive for greater headroom. Structures with particularly steep roofs may have a small, narrow upper loft above the main loft. The Albany brick cottage, a structure developed by early Dutch settlers in New York State, is one type of dwelling that normally has such a feature Noble , Double attics also appear in the Rhenish houses of the Shenandoah Valley of Cross-sections showing different amounts of headroom in southern Ameri- can log cabins.

Cabins using Celtic traditions had much less headroom than those based on Continental dwellings. Note the location of the junction of the wall and the upper floor based on Glassie , The Dutch- and French-derived attics were used principally as stor- age areas and sometimes for sleeping, especially for children, hired labor or slaves. Using the loft for grain storage was a characteristic found throughout northern and central Europe Haslova and Vajdio , 40, 55 and in Germanic colonies throughout North America Huguenot Historical Society ; Noble b, The German- derived double-level attics in Pennsylvania held the grain harvest on the lower level, which was called the Schpeicher granary.

The upper level, termed the Rauchkammer smoke room , was encased in mud daub or plaster to reduce the fire danger because a small opening in the chimney permitted both smoke and sparks to enter the room. Var- ious meats were hung on built-in racks for curing Weaver , — 5.