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This context will be used for comparison and as a means of enriching the work. Social exclusion: strengths and weaknesses of a notion The question of social exclusion is at the heart of discussions on social problems in contemporary societies. Today it seems to be the term of choice for describing social ills, overshadowing notions such as marginality, inequality and poverty which, for a long time, were the conceptual categories used to designate and analyze social problems. Use of the notion of social exclusion in the media has achieved a scope and breadth comparable to that of the social problems to which the term refers.

Carrying out a detailed examination of the reach of the notion of exclusion requires a look at the genesis of its use, a tracing of the evolution of its meanings as well as the identification of some of its proponents in sociology. To accomplish this task, however, a certain number of theoretical preconditions cannot be overlooked, as Soulet aptly recognizes: Is it not appropriate to review the usage of this concept and to ask whether it designates a unique, original phenomenon of some kind, unfolding before our very eyes, or whether it contributes to masking more fundamental questions?

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Is it a suitable conceptual tool for understanding contemporary changes affecting our developed societies? Is it a banner to which sociologists have rallied after being dispossessed of poverty by economists? The success of the term is first and foremost noticeable in sociological literature out of France. The centrality of the notion of social exclusion in the French literature is less surprising when one looks at its paternity, at least according to the use given to it as a term designating the new challenges of the social question.

In fact Lenoir, in his work, evocatively titled Les exclus. Lenoir's report was the description of two Frances, one of affluence and the other of a constantly growing mass of people, pushed beyond the "borders of the social" because of their destitution, misery and social inadaptability.

The publication of Lenoir's work sparked a public discussion in France about social exclusion. Despite its popularity at the time, exclusion received little conceptualization. First it was used largely to describe processes affecting persons with certain kinds of disadvantages: social poverty , physical disability or linked to their personal capacities. The semantic evolution of the notion of exclusion has been accompanied over the years by a shift in the frontiers of exclusion as well as by the widening of the pool of excluded populations.

In the s, the reading of exclusion began revolving around four themes: the city, the school, employment and social protection. A typology of exclusion reveals that the excluded comprised a wide cross-section of persons, among whom were residents of underprivileged suburban communities, failing students, the chronically unemployed and persons without access to social assistance or medical care.

Although strongly criticized for a number of reasons, exclusion has, nevertheless, become important in academia as a notion for describing and analyzing the new challenges of the social question. They are persons in precarious and extremely vulnerable situations under the effects of the mechanisms or rather processes and dynamics, to borrow the terminology of Castel , which place them on the periphery of the society of the included.

The frontier separating the society of the included from that of the excluded, the famous social fault line commonly referred to in politics and the media, seems to be quite thin, highlighting the fragility of social and professional positions today. Robert Castel challenges the notion of exclusion because of its static dimension, its fixedness and its inability to show the variability of the situations to which it refers.

He prefers the term disaffiliation which, in his view, is a more productive term and one better able to transcend the mere description of a state or situation of privation to recount experiences, trace trajectories and explain processes. The analytical grid which he uses to explain the phenomenon of social disaffiliation, while revealing the various constitutive phases of the social exclusion process, brings to the fore different social zones: social integration zone, individualization zone, vulnerability zone, exclusion zone, assurance zone.

The diagram below, thus, provides a typology of the trajectory of disaffiliation and exclusion, constructed from the couplet of participation or non-participation in the labor market and the fact of having or not having a contact network. From this fact, Castel is able to identify an evolving process from integration through vulnerability and assistance, ending finally in disaffiliation.

He then reveals the different faces of social protection and regulation through a historical approach which goes from feudalism to the current period. Today, the social safety structures set up by the social State are changing, producing new kinds of vulnerabilities. Thus, disaffiliation is also to be seen as the endpoint of a process for individuals placed in situations of social uselessness and for whom the social bond is under increased stress. The breaking of the social bond is, thus, one of the most significant dimensions of Castel's analysis of the process of disaffiliation.

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A conception of disaffiliation as a rupture of the social bond, the resort to history to trace the evolution of the social question, a review of policies of social integration, constitute the major points of Castel's look at the question of social exclusion in French society. This describes the relationship that society has with its margins; in other words, it is the way in which society classifies and treats individuals labeled and recognized as being at variance with normal modes of integration. Building his concept of social disqualification on an ethnographic reading of the relationship between the poor and institutions set up to aid them, Paugam first draws up a typology of the affected individuals the vulnerable, the aid-dependent and the marginal , then focuses on the mechanisms, in French society, which lead to their descent into poverty, dependence on assistance, social inferiority and marginality life in the background of society.

Social disqualification, thus, seems to be the inverse of social integration. Paugam's evaluation of social integration policies and mechanisms in French society, in particular of the guaranteed minimum income of insertion revenu minimum d'insertion or RMI makes it possible to best view his conception of social disqualification as a means of revealing the weaknesses of social integration processes. In the final analysis, social disqualification represents, in Paugam's opinion, a theoretically more fruitful and more relevant attempt at accounting for new forms of poverty while better translating the crisis of social integration than the notion of social exclusion.

With the concept of social disqualification, Paugam intends to better account for the resistance and struggle of some persons on social assistance in the face of the stigma attached to them as well as their attempts to create for themselves an identity and a trajectory which institutions could deny them.

Moreover, he has sought to take a new look at the problem of poverty by stressing its social construction. Such an approach makes Paugam's reading a consolidation of the dialectical relationship between institutions structures , mainly aid institutions charged with reinforcing the weakening social bonds of the disqualified, and the actors individuals in situations of social disqualification and engaged in a dynamic of defining their identity.

Like Castel and Paugam, De Gaulejac and Taboada- Leonetti do not use the notion of social exclusion, preferring instead the term disinsertion. This may be drawn from the polarization of their analysis of the point of view of individuals engaged in a dynamic of conquering a space in a society which has rendered them useless in the world and thereby put them in positions of social disinsertion. The meaning they give to this term, however, seems to be close to that of social exclusion. Disinsertion remains the generic concept from which they analyze individual failures in the position struggle which has replaced the class struggle.

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Disinsertion is to be perceived as a process which is the opposite of insertion. The singularity of the analyses of Gaulejac and Taboada-Leonetti lies, however, in their focus on the essential role of individual and symbolic dimensions in the phenomena of exclusion, since for them : It is the system of values of a society which by default defines what is outside the norm as being without value or social utility.

Individuals are judged according to their social utility, which is measured by the income they receive in exchange for their activity, capacity that they exert over others, the amount of goods that they can acquire. Those who do not conform to these norms, whose activities cannot be measured in terms of money have no value for the collectivity. These are the normative requirements of society regarding professional success, consumption standards, personal and sexual fulfillment, which leads to deficient individuals being devalued and their adopting a paralyzing sense of shame p.

Even if the conceptual diagrams drawn up by Castel, Paugam and De Gaulejac and Taboada-Leonetti do not accord primacy to the notion of social exclusion, the phenomena on which they shed light as well as the meanings they respectively give to the concepts of disaffiliation, disqualification and disinsertion lead to the view that two important dimensions are at the heart of the processes by which supernumeries, persons on social assistance and the disinserted are placed at the margins of society. A synthetic view and critic assessment of the notion of social exclusion The commonality between the three approaches to the notion of exclusion just presented is that they are built, on the one hand, on the double dimensions of economic status and the degree of insertion into social networks, and on the other hand, on an oscillation between individual and macrosociological factors as explanations for the ruptures and accidents which trigger the slide into precarity, social assistance and finally social relegation.

They also all depart from a criticism and a rejection of the notion of social exclusion, which brings into focus the paradox discernible in the literature on the subject.

The centrality of the theme of social exclusion, even its omnipresence, can be noted, the expansion of its use can be observed but it is rejected by these observers of French society; likewise, its theoretical interest is strongly questioned and its contribution to the elucidation of the challenges of the social question are largely placed in doubt. Does that, therefore, mean that the notion of social exclusion is only of limited utility or that it is to be definitively rejected?

While recognizing the soundness of the criticisms of the notion and integrating the conceptualizations provided regarding new forms of poverty, it is appropriate to mention that the notion of social exclusion can still be of some interest if its weaknesses are addressed. This is all the more justified as the meanings given to the alternative concepts disqualification, disaffiliation or disinsertion seem to have much in common with exclusion.

The interest of the notion of social exclusion would lie, then, in the fact that it points to an endpoint in non-irreversible process of being placed in the margins of society. Social exclusion in the sociology of the French-speaking world: similarities and differences in approaches In order to examine conceptualizations of social exclusion according to different national areas, we have looked at a number of geographical contexts which have in common use of the French language.

The review presented here shows the ubiquity of the notion in the sociological tradition of France, its relative diffusion in the rest of French- speaking Europe, mainly in Switzerland and Belgium, its recurrence in Quebec and its tentative introduction into the African context.

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Social exclusion: a French problematic? Between the s, when Lenoir presented his descriptive panorama of social exclusion, and today, the faces of exclusion have changed considerably. Similarly, the frontiers of social exclusion have been expanded and the number of social categories "thrust from the realm of normality" to the world of social relegation and uselessness, thereby placing them in positions of exteriority in relation to the apparatuses and systems of production, has diversified.

Becker, trad. Sangatte, Lampedusa, Guantanamo… , Paris, Autrement. Dana Diminescu dir. Michel Foucault, , Surveiller et punir. Camille Goirand, , La politique des favelas , Paris, Karthala, coll. Anne Gotman, a, Introduction, pp. Formes et structures de la ville contemporaine , Paris, Editions de la Villette. EHESS, coll. Deniger, M. Dumont, J.

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Germain, A. Mongeau, Y. Martineau, D. Giles, P. Gingras, Y. Girard-Hurtubise, M. Helly, D. Renaud, Pietrantonio et G. Bourgeault dir. Les relations eth- niques en question. Knowles, V. Kouzmine, Y. Labelle, M.

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