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Some of the previous work has found that humans do not always make the best possible decisions when working together with artificial intelligent systems. By designing and testing improved forms of support for interactive collaboration between human decision makers and artificial advice givers, we can enable decision making processes that better leverage the strengths of both collaborators. More generally the research in track can be characterised by exploring how to make the interaction between computers and people smarter, which may leverage solutions from data mining, natural language processing, novel interaction paradigms, and knowledge representation and reasoning.

They assist users in decision making by providing personalized services and help information providers and companies to more effectively serve customers. The development of recommender systems has led to the emergence of a burgeoning research community spanning a broad range of problems and disciplinary areas. This track aims to provide a dedicated forum to researchers and practitioners to discuss open research problems, solid solutions, latest challenges, novel applications and innovative research approaches in personalized recommendation.

Learning is a traditional domain for applying personalization and adaptation technologies. A major aim is to improve effectiveness and efficiency of learning experiences. This covers not only formal educational settings, but also lifelong learning requirements, including workplace training. In addition to cognitive aspects of learning, also affective, motivational, and metacognitive ones play an important role. To address the wide spectrum of issues and challenges in this field contributions from various research areas are necessary.

But, more importantly, the Weberian class—status distinction is a conceptually cogent one, and is of potential empirical importance. Thus, instead of rejecting it by fiat, the questions of whether a status order is still 14 However, Prandy and Lambert , p. The social status scale 55 identifiable in contemporary societies and whether class and status have differing explanatory power in different areas of social life are matters for empirical investigation.

The six national chapters that follow provide some evidence in this regard. I have then explored the properties of the status scales, and reported the following results. First, marriage choice as well as friendship choice are structured by social status.

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This speaks to the pervasive nature of status as a social force. It also implies that both types of data offer us a handle to identify the status order in contemporary societies. Second, the status order of a society seems to be shared by all subpopulations within it. Apart from occupation, there are indeed other bases for social status, most notably ethnicity. But the occupationbased status ranking that we develop is largely replicated within each ethnic group. Third, the general contour of the status order is very similar across countries. However, and this is the fourth point, there is considerable crossnational variation in the strength of the correlations between social status on the one hand, and education or income on the other.

These correlations are strongest for France and Hungary, and weakest for the UK. But the mapping of social status onto class is rarely so high as would preclude the inclusion of both class and status as predictors in regression analyses of cultural consumption. The only exception here is the Netherlands. Having introduced the key explanatory variable of our research project in this chapter, we can now proceed to the national chapters. Motivated theoretically by three broad views of the relationship between stratification and cultural consumption — the homology, individualisation and omnivore— univore arguments see Chapter 1 — we examined responses to a set of survey items regarding respondent participation in activities as diverse as reading, attending the theatre, visiting an art museum and attending a rock, country, or rap performance.

We found that contemporary cultural consumers cluster into a small number of recognisable patterns, patterns that are more consistent with the omnivore—univore thesis than they are with the alternatives. For instance, individuals at the highest social status were 8. By comparison, individuals with the highest educational credentials were 5. In this chapter, we move from the analysis of cross-domain styles of cultural consumption to examine consumption within a single domain — that of music. Our choice here is purposive. The question of music is particularly sociologically interesting and theoretically charged.

As DeNora , p. Binder, or grist for the self-improvement industry mill e. Peterson and Berger, ; Peterson, , This turn, which, as Peterson and Anand , pp. Lynes, ; Sontag, ; Bourdieu, ; Murphy, As detailed in Chapter 1, one of the goals of the larger project to which this paper contributes is precisely to reassert the classic Weberian distinction between class and status that Bourdieu, among others, elides see also Chan and Goldthorpe, a. This chapter thus makes three main contributions. First, moving beyond the study of musical taste to that of musical consumption, we look within a single domain of cultural activity, exploring whether the styles of consumption that we earlier observed across domains — and the conclusions we drew regarding the centrality of social status to the definition of such styles — can be found within.

Rather, proxies such as education, income, occupation or SES are assumed sufficient to capture status effects. In this chapter, we employ an explicit measure of social status see Chapter 2. This allows us to determine how social status — as distinct from social class, education, or income — is associated with styles of musical consumption in the US and to assess the magnitude of its association relative to other factors.

Finally, in meeting one influential alternative to a classical Weberian conceptualisation of the stratification system i. If nothing more infallibly classifies than music, then any finding of independent, substantively significant status effects on styles of musical consumption would be especially compelling evidence in favour of one of the broader goals of this project.

Our analysis proceeds in two parts. First, we analyse the patterns of response to a range of items regarding musical consumption fielded in 60 Arthur S. Using latent class cluster analysis hereafter LCA , we identify and characterise contemporary styles of musical consumption.

We also offer some validation of our characterisation of the LCA results, using information on musical taste and a range of distinct non-musical activities that is also available in the Survey of Public Participation in the Arts hereafter SPPA. Second, we model these styles of musical consumption with our status scale and a range of variables relating to social stratification in concert with a set of sociodemographic controls.

In examining the multinomial logistic regression results, we also give particular attention to the relative magnitude of the observed associations between variables of interest and styles of musical consumption. In August , face-to-face interviews were conducted with a total of 17, non-institutionalised individuals, 18 years of age or older, identified via a probability sample of US households. We restrict our analysis to the 12, persons aged 24— The SPPA queries respondents on their participation in a range of artistic events and activities. It also surveys respondents about participation in a variety of leisure activities and about taste for various musical and artistic events.

As regards musical consumption, respondents were queried on their activities in relation to four genres: opera, classical, jazz and musicals. The United States 61 clearly the most troublesome. As regards music, one could analyse: 1 attendance at musical performances e. In this paper, we fully exploit the data at hand and analyse all three; that is, we analyse attendance, listening and watching across opera, classical, jazz and musicals. Table 3. We rank the items in terms of their popularity, from least to most popular. Note that there is a distinct gradient, with the percentage of respondents reporting listening to classical music in the last year being an order of magnitude larger than those reporting attending opera.

By activity, opera is least popular in terms of attending 3. Magidson and Vermunt, As for the place of jazz as a genre, one can note that it is no more popular across attending, listening and watching than classical music. Starting from the observation that the binary responses to the twelve manifest variables in Table 3. Assuming that an independence model — one that places all observations in the same latent class i.

Once a solution is found, one typically then assigns respondents to the latent class for which they have the highest posterior membership probability e. The United States 63 Table 3. The LCA results are presented in Table 3. As one can note, by a standard approach to LCA, neither a two- nor three-class solution adequately fits the data; that is, we must specify four latent classes to account for the association that exists among the manifest variables. In examining the three-class solution, we find that there is a very large and distinct residual correlation between those who report jazz listening and jazz watching.

When we re-estimate the three-class model, specifying a direct effect between the two items, the three-class model, as one can note in Table 3. How do the final two models differ? In the three-class solution that allows a direct effect between jazz listening and watching, this group is largely folded into a group of middling consumers that we will describe below. Given that the fit of both models is quite acceptable, and not clearly distinguishable, in the interests of parsimony, we analyse the threeclass model with direct effects.

First, jazz aficionados aside, we otherwise identify the same classes in the four-class solution that we do in the three-class solution. Second, except as noted below, none of the conclusions that we draw from the regression analysis below are different when we model the four-class solution. Again, as in Table 3. The first class, the smallest, consists of people who have comparatively high probabilities of having done all across attending, listening and watching.

The third class — the largest — consists, in contrast, of people who have comparatively low probabilities of having done any of the activities considered. In between — literally and figuratively — is the second class, with middling probabilities of attending, listening and watching. So, for instance, the probability of a Paucivore watching opera in the last year is an order of magnitude greater than that of an Inactive, while, in turn, the probability of an Omnivore watching opera is an order of magnitude greater than that of a Paucivore.

Our labelling is motivated by these relative probabilities. We take two steps to interrogate our interpretation and labelling of the latent classes. First, in Table 3. Examining the row probabilities, it is clear, first, that the Inactives are appropriately named. This group is distinctive, in essence, for being the modal class for those who have not engaged in any of the activities under consideration. This class is, thus, most distinctive for its participation in activities that are least popular: While the Omnivores are more likely to consume all items than others i.

Second, in Table 3. We see two main issues here. While this group exhibits a relatively broad and intense style of consumption within these four genres of music, these are, after all, highbrow and The United States 67 middlebrow genres. Might we, perhaps, be mistaking a cultural elite for omnivores? Second, are the Inactives inactive in any more general sense, outside of the domain of highbrow and middlebrow musical consumption? Very simply, then, while our Inactives may not go to the opera, are they not likely to be active in other domains?

And might this not give us some additional insight into this style of musical consumption? As noted earlier, the SPPA is a comparatively rich source and we can begin to address these questions. Peterson and Kern , p. As one can note from Table 3.

New Media, personalisation and the role of algorithms

Omnivores, on average, report liking 4. Regarding the Inactives, we consider a number of possibilities. Might the Inactives be musically active in new media that are not wellcaptured by the items we examine? Alderson, Isaac Heacock and Azamat Junisbai Omnivores are significantly more likely to report using the Internet for music than Paucivores or Inactives. Interestingly, the same general conclusion can be drawn regarding any number of non-musical activities as well: Omnivores are not only more likely to consume opera, classical, jazz and musicals, they are also more likely to take part in sports, in outdoor activities, to exercise, to take part in volunteer activities, to garden, to sew or to busy themselves with home improvement.

Perhaps Inactives face distinctive time-constraints? Might they simply work more than others? As one can note, on average, they do work more, about an hour more than Omnivores and a half-hour more than Paucivores in the week preceding the interview. However, we also note that the standard deviation of hours worked is considerably larger for Omnivores than it is for Inactives and, moreover, that a larger proportion of Omnivores appear in the top quartile of hours worked than Inactives i.

Based on their analysis of time use data for the UK, they find that the correlates of the former are very similar to those observed in studies of the latter. While we agree with Sullivan and Katz-Gerro that it is important to distinguish analytically between what people consume and the way in which they consume it, the SPPA unfortunately affords us no opportunity to draw such a distinction in any detail.

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As we have found, they are more likely to attend opera, jazz, classical and musical performances outside of the home than others and more likely to engage in any number of other activities. Based on these results, we conclude that this class of musical consumers is appropriately labelled and speculate that omnivorousness and voraciousness may be less orthogonal to one another in the US than Sullivan and Katz-Gerro suggest they are in the UK.

The United States 69 respectively. Inactives, then, are not only inactive in highbrow and middlebrow musical consumption and less omnivorous in their musical tastes than others, they are relatively inactive across a variety of other activities and this would not appear to be a straightforward result of the demands of work. In the end, we were able to find just one activity in the SPPA in which Inactive musical consumers were significantly more active than Omnivores or Paucivores: television viewing.

As one can note in Table 3. Omnivores are most distinctive for their consumption of opera in all forms examined and listening to musicals, the least popular activities overall. Paucivores, in contrast, are the modal class for jazz again, in all forms , classical listening and musical attendance, the most popular activities. Inactives are most distinctive for being the modal class for those who have not engaged in any of the twelve forms of musical consumption we examine. While the information presented in Table 3.

As the results indicate, our identification of a class of Inactives is not simply an artefact of our focus on the specific musical genres under consideration. Alderson, Isaac Heacock and Azamat Junisbai gardening to sport. To answer this question, we treat the latent classes just discussed as the dependent variable in a multinomial logistic regression analysis. Rather than model the responses to the twelve manifest variables, then, we model the types of consumers that are identified by LCA. We do so with a number of covariates relating to social stratification in concert with a set of socio-demographic controls.

Prime among the former is the measure of social status that we detail below. Our argument is that social status can be distinguished analytically from social class and that status, as distinct from class, is the stratificatory linchpin of contemporary US lifestyles and patterns of cultural consumption. To estimate the associations of social status with such patterns, we also include measures of educational qualifications, social class, family income, gender and race. We also control for marital status, in the expectation that the married will be less likely to be active musical consumers than the unmarried; the presence of children in the household, by the same rationale as that for marital status; region of the country, based on the expectation that opportunities for consumption may vary by region; the size of the locale in which the respondent resides, based on the same rationale as that for region; nativity, with no strong prediction; and age, in the expectation that age will be positively related to active musical consumption.

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Family Income Per Capita log 10 is created 9 Details regarding variable construction are available from the authors upon request. The United States 71 from a categorical income variable. Married is coded 1 for currently married, 0 otherwise. Child 0—5 , Child 6—13 , and Child 14—17 code for the presence of dependent children in the household. Midwest, West and South with Northeast as the omitted category code for region. Foreign Born codes for whether the respondent was born outside of the US. Age 35—44, Age 45—54 and Age 55—64, with Age 24—34 as the reference, code for respondent age. The variable of central interest is our measure of Social Status.

Social Status and Cultural Consumption

As detailed elsewhere Alderson et al. Inspired by Chan and Goldthorpe , our approach builds on that of Laumann e. Warner et al. It is motivated by the fundamental insight that intimate association is an indicator of social equality and, thus, that status differences can be read off patterns of differential association. Our results indicate that one can readily identify a status order in the contemporary United States, one that is reasonably distinct from the social class system.

We also find that this status order is remarkably similar across sub-populations e. We restrict our analysis to persons aged 20—64, exclude those employed in military occupations less than 0. Figure 3. While the proportion of Inactive declines fairly linearly, the proportion Omnivore remains fairly constant across the first forty percent or so of the range of status and rises thereafter. Unconditionally, then, there is a clear relationship between social status and styles of highbrow and middlebrow musical consumption. As one can note, most of the variables have statistically significant effects on at least one of the comparisons.

Before discussing these, we can begin by noting the null findings.

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  • The most important in this regard is that we find no significant class effects in these data. Inactive hereafter O I , Paucivore vs. Inactive P I and Omnivore vs. Paucivore O P would decline monotonically as one moves toward the unskilled i. While the absence of significant class effects may be surprising to some readers, it is consistent with what we have observed in earlier work on cultural consumption in the United States Alderson et al.

    In addition to social class, we also have null findings regarding the presence of children in the household and the Midwest vs. Northeast regional comparison. Among the significant parameters, the findings for our status scale are of central interest. As one can note, social status is found to play a significant role in distinguishing styles of musical consumption: higher status individuals are more likely to be Paucivores than Inactives, and are especially more likely to be Omnivores than Inactives.

    Interestingly, at conventional levels, social status does not distinguish between Omnivores and Paucivores. No other occupational category has a smaller number of respondents. In a model in which social class The United States 75 As regards the other significant parameters, we find that, relative to those with less than a BA degree, those holding a BA degree are more likely to be Omnivores or Paucivores than Inactives and, in terms of the O P contrast, are more likely to be Omnivores.

    The same conclusions hold for those holding a graduate degree, and the effects on each contrast are notably larger. Ganzeboom, ; Chan and Goldthorpe, c discussed elsewhere in this volume. Gender has effects that are consistent with earlier research which suggests that women are more likely to be active cultural consumers than men e. Bihagen and Katz-Gerro, Women are found to be more likely to be Omnivores or Paucivores than Inactives, and more likely than men to be Omnivores than Paucivores as well.

    Marital status has negative effects on all three contrasts, a result we interpret as reflecting, ceteris paribus, the greater constraints on cultural activity faced by the married relative to the unmarried. Region does not distinguish between Omnivores and Paucivores, but it does have effects on the O I and P I contrasts, with the West more likely, and South less likely, to be active musical consumers relative to residents of the Northeast.

    Very simply, with the effects of social stratification — social status, social class, income, race, gender — netted out, the effects of educational qualifications can be interpreted in terms of the varying levels of information content desired by individuals in their cultural activities. Relative to those less educated, more highly educated individuals are expected to display an affinity for styles of musical consumption that make greater demands in terms of information content e. Alderson, Isaac Heacock and Azamat Junisbai City size, however, does not distinguish between Omnivores and Paucivores, suggesting that the effects of population are largely those of a constraint on access.

    While we had no strong directional hypothesis, we thought it nonetheless important to control for nativity given current levels of immigration to the United States. Foreign born has a significant positive effect on the P O contrast, but does not significantly affect the O I or P I contrasts.

    Culture, Consumption and Production

    The results for Age 35—44, Age 45—54, and Age 55—64 indicate that, relative to respondents under thirty-five years of age, older individuals are more likely to be Omnivores or Paucivores than Inactives, and more likely to be Omnivores than Paucivores. Finally, as regards the effects of race and ethnicity, Black has a significant negative effect on the O I contrast, a positive effect on the P I contrast, and a negative effect on the O P contrast. Relative to non-Hispanic whites, Hispanics are found significantly less likely to be Paucivores than Inactives.

    In short, while Hispanics and members of other non-Hispanic white groups are more likely to be Inactive than they are Omnivores or Paucivores — that is, disconnected from highbrow and middlebrow musical consumption — blacks are more likely to be Paucivores than they are Inactives or Omnivores. Given the large number of coefficients and contrasts to attend to, we think it most efficient to graphically summarise the information in Table 3. We do this in Figure 3.

    In interpreting this figure, there are just three things to note: First, the factor change for each outcome relative to the Inactive category is scaled across the top of the figure. The distance of O and P from I is thus the change, on the upper scale, in the odds ratio associated with a min-max change in the 15 This is a notable contrast with the findings of our earlier, cross-domain examination of cultural consumption which indicate, ceteris paribus, that African Americans are disconnected from the dominant culture in the United States Alderson et al.

    In supplementary analyses, we determined that this finding is driven by the folding of the jazz aficionados into the Paucivore class that, as detailed above, is the practical result of specifying a direct effect between jazz listening and jazz watching. In other words, when we model the four-class solution, we find that Black has a significant positive effect on the Jazz Aficionado vs. Inactive contrast, and a significant negative effect on the O I and P I contrasts.

    Alderson, Isaac Heacock and Azamat Junisbai explanatory variables. Second, when lines connect points, this indicates that the variable in question does not have a significant effect on the contrast. Finally, the elements themselves are sized to indicate the magnitude of the discrete change or change in predicted probability in each outcome associated with a min-max change in the variable of interest, holding all other variables at their means and modes.

    As indicated by the size of the Is, social status, educational qualifications and family income are clearly associated with the largest discrete change in the Inactive outcome of any of the significant variables. Turning to the Omnivore style, it is clear from Figure 3. Those who hold a graduate degree are approximately 6. In terms of discrete change in the Omnivore outcome — and, again, behind the sizing of the elements in Figure 3. These same variables likewise heavily shape the Paucivore outcome.

    Those at the maximum income are 3. Those with a graduate degree are 2. The United States 79 In sum, the regression results indicate that social status, along with educational qualifications and income, is central to the definition of the styles of highbrow and middlebrow musical consumption that we identify with latent class analysis. As noted above, the status scale that appears in Table 3. In our work on the US status scale Alderson et al. The fairly large sample that the SPPA provides affords us the opportunity to apply these more specific scales to the relevant sub-samples.

    How robust are the results to such a move? Interestingly — and reassuringly — when we assign the unmarried the scores derived for cohabiters or assign black Americans scores derived for blacks, the results are substantively identical, up to and including the rank-order of the factor changes and discrete changes associated with social status and other main factors. We do, however, find some notable differences when we assign gender-specific status scores to men and women i. Note first that, by the gender-specific scale, social status now has a significant effect on the O P contrast, in addition to the O I and P I contrasts; that is, status now significantly distinguishes between Omnivores and Paucivores.

    Second, it is noteworthy that inclusion of the gender-specific status has no real effect on the relationship of gender with styles of musical consumption: Gender again has significant effects on all contrasts and the effects are of approximately the same magnitude. In terms of discrete change, we find that social status has the second largest effect on the Omnivore outcome after graduate degree , the second largest effect on the Paucivore outcome after income , and the second largest effect on the Inactive outcome 17 This is especially interesting given the high correlations among the scales.

    The measure of social status that we use above is correlated at 0. Finally, as one can note from Figure 3. Modelling these styles of cross-domain consumption, we found that social status is central to the definition of these styles and that the effects of status are large relative to other factors. In this paper, we look within a single domain — that of music — asking whether the styles of consumption we observed in earlier work, and the conclusions that we drew regarding the central role of status, might be likewise found within a single domain.

    Consequently, if a The United States 81 Weberian conceptualisation of the stratification system merits rethinking, this should be nowhere more obvious than in the domain of music. We thus think the study of musical consumption presents us with an especially conservative test of the utility of reasserting the analytical distinction between status and class. Latent class cluster analysis of highbrow and middlebrow music attendance, listening and watching identifies three distinct groups of musical consumers: a group of Omnivores notable for the relative intensity and breadth of their musical consumption, a group of Inactives notable for their low level of activity across all items, and a group of middling consumers — Paucivores — who exhibit moderate levels of consumption.

    Using information on musical tastes and a variety of distinct non-musical activities, we find that highbrow and middlebrow musical Omnivores likewise exhibit omnivorous musical taste and are more active than others across a range of distinct activities. They are more omnivorous in their musical tastes than the Inactive, but less omnivorous than the Omnivores. They are more active across activities ranging from exercise to sewing than the Inactive, but less active than the Omnivores. Examination of the LCA results reveals that, while Omnivores are more likely to consume all items considered than others, they are most defined by their consumption of the least popular items e.

    Paucivores, in contrast, are most defined by their consumption of the most popular items e. Of the three views of the relationship between stratification and cultural consumption briefly touched on above, these findings are most consistent with the omnivore—univore thesis e. Peterson, ; Peterson and Simkus, ; Peterson and Kern, As regards the individualisation argument e.

    Featherstone, ; Lash, ; Bauman, , the fact that LCA identifies a small number of clusters of cultural consumers — rather than the multitude of disjoint segments that would reflect the release of styles of consumption from moorings to the stratification system and to other social institutions — would seem to argue strongly against it.

    The findings present multiple challenges to the homology argument e. Gans, ; Bourdieu, Their closest analogue in our data, as the regression results reveal, are the Omnivores, defined by their high status, income and educational attainment. Again, as the regression results reveal, their closest analogue are the Inactives, defined by their low status, income and educational attainment. Their remarkably low level of highbrow and middlebrow musical consumption could conceivably be taken as evidence of their rejection of high culture in favour of popular forms.

    We found that Inactive musical consumers do not exhibit significantly greater odds of liking any discrete number of such genres, including reporting liking just one i. As for the omnivore—univore thesis, we do indeed find a class of Omnivores, a group defined by a relatively broad and intense style of musical consumption.

    However, aside from the jazz aficionados identified in the four-class solution, we do not find much evidence for the existence of a set of clusters defined by particularistic musical consumption patterns i. The multinomial logistic regression results reveal that these styles of cultural consumption have strong roots in the stratification system, but in social status rather than social class. We find that, while social class is not significantly associated with any of the contrasts, social status is central to the distinction between those who are active highbrow and middlebrow musical consumers — Omnivores or Paucivores — and those who are Inactive.

    Educational qualifications also have substantively large effects on all of the contrasts, distinguishing Omnivore and Paucivore from Inactive, and from each other. The United States 83 Income has effects that are consistent with a straightforward resourcebased explanation: those with income are more likely to engage in musical consumption but, beyond enabling an Omnivorous or Paucivorous style, it does not distinguish between such styles of participation. Gender is positively associated with all contrasts: women are more active musical consumers than men. Hispanics and members of other non-black racial minorities are found to be more likely to be Inactive than they are to adopt any active style.

    African Americans, in contrast, are more likely to be Paucivores than Inactives, and more likely to be Inactives than Omnivores. The effects of gender and race among other variables are relatively small compared to those of social status, educational qualifications and income. We also find that a gender-specific status scale better fits the data than a scale that averages the differences between men and women in partner choice and that, in that context, the role of status in defining styles of musical consumption is even more pronounced.

    In sum, the regression results establish 1 the utility of an explicit measure of status that allows one to move beyond commonly employed proxies that themselves, through other mechanisms, may have independent effects on cultural consumption e.