Manual Scandale et calomnie: 7 (Grands détectives) (French Edition)

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Vive la Frane!! Et la, il trouve quelqun dans sa chambre, il panique, plaque la personne. Avec le niveau anti-teroriste en vigueur aux Etats Unis!!! DSK est un grand player de bas etage. Plein de fric, pouvoir et de testosterone. Le monde est son huitre, y compris les femmes de menage. Ceci dit, les femmes sautent le fric et le pouvoir, et nous sautons la beaute, un melange combustible. Assez des accusations de puritanisme. Par tous comptes, les puritains ont eu une sexualite tres saine et foisonneuse.

I apologize for no accents. Alors je poursuis le raisonnement de jean lorry. Ca va hein, ca va hein : ca pue le complot, plein gaz. Un simple coup de fil suffit!!! Je peux me regarder dans un miroir le matin. St innocent vous irait bien! On peut oublier Cannes quelques jours! Merci pour la rectification. Je ne croyais pas si faible que ce soit en poigne ou en corpulence…. Attendons les dire de dsk. Encore une preuve du courage socialiste, fuyons. On gage…. La maffia,idem JFK??? Quelle tristesse, quelle tristesse …. Le FMI?


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Bravo NYPD, on ne niaise pas avec la patente. Je les en remercie! Ca se saurait si ces gens mentaient. Je suis surpris. Jamais eu des soucis avec la Justice? Vous etes devin! Vous ne pouvez pas reprocher aux journalistes de ne pas avoir repris cette accusation qui pour le moment parait fantaisiste!

Elle aurait produit des preuves ou attaquait en Justice, je vous donnerez volontiers raisons, mais les deux sont absents. Ah bon? Vendredi, il y aura les accusations: coupable ou non coupable…. On pari……. Je ne crois pas. Enfin ils tombent le masque les socialo!! Nan mais quelle blague! Aucune chance, la gauche est morte, est pour bien longtemps et tant mieux.

Vous si. La gauche fait dans le sexuel? Site web. Le scandale DSK? Arnaud Leparmentier. Vous pouvez la mettre en favoris avec ce permalien. Comment et pourquoi Anne Sinclair cautionne-t-elle un tel personnage? Guillon avait donc raison … […] a disparu de votre Site il y a une erreur maintenant????

Rainer Zirbs, Allemagne. La teneur sexiste des commentaires est atterante. Quelle image de la France! Si je fais sa, je suis le roi des c…. When the railway strike was hardening at the beginning of January, other sectors buses and metro in Paris, seamen, electricity, gas and postal workers went on strike. The confusion which surrounded these strikes, a confusion largely wrought by the Stalinists, reduced their scope but did not succeed in totally obliterating revived notions of self-organisation.

Railway workers who set about collecting money in railway stations received, in a short space of time, considerable sums The consensus which reigned as far as students were concerned was not to be had when it came to railway workers. In November — December all the shitheads imaginable vied with each other to eulogise and proffer advice to students. In January , it was the exact opposite. During a demonstration in Paris in an office district it was astonishing to see the way in which middle-management insulted the strikers whilst employees, on the contrary , cheered them.

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The media, so full of praise a month previously, now made many an enemy. The following contains some very brief information on other strikes in France…. Strikes by merchant seamen, dockers, journalists, metro underground workers. December 24th : fear of a strike in the French civil service. On the same day, electricity and gas workers who, for some time, had had planned for them a union-run strike, pressurised union bosses to bring forward the date. The call was, more or less, obeyed. Brief and patchy strikes by munitions, dockers and postal workers e.

Paris estime que DSK n’a pas d’immunité diplomatique

Ports of Marseille, Nantes, St. Lazaire and Bordeaux are closed again by dockers. These strikes are very much separated from each other, hugely dominated by the unions and largely fall into the hour ritual — a ritual deeply resented by not only railway workers. Also round about this time, seamen chuck some containers into the docks at Marseille, which the dockers refuse to pull out.

There were many power cuts. They can, for instance, reduce the speed of the generators to the lowest possible level at hydro-electric and nuclear power stations indeed, at this time, there was some strike action by nuclear power workers And by cutting supplies at electricity sub-stations, strikers, through this form of wildcat power, were able to target specific places e.

Nonetheless, management, in their well-guarded control rooms, were able, in this bitterly cold weather, to direct many cuts, knocking out supplies to homes and streets in the poor districts, keeping factories, big stores, State Departments, etc. In one provincial town, striking electricity workers managed to occupy one control room, but were quickly ejected by riot police.

Experience, Memory, Image

Anti-strike demos in Lyons, Lille, Marseille and other cities. It parallels greater spilits in the railway workers ranks. Others like Chambery at the foot of the Alps vote to return to work. Small proprietors in France have a tradition of being more virulently pitted against the proletariat than in the U.

A difference: English shopkeepers probe for your opinions first before saying anything leading, but French shopkeepers just let fly with their ghastly prejudices. Though the class system in the U. Though here they look to the State for protection, this is very blinkered since they receive very little or no economic compensation, and in the inner-city areas, insurance companies increasingly offer no protection or their premiums are so high that few shopkeepers can afford them.

In France, the petit bourgeoisie protects the State and does not see itself as protected by it. After all, in their actions created the beginnings of the modern French State. There was strike action in a few pits. Prior to the strike wave, Carmoux miners had been on strike over a threatened pit closure.

The French Coal Board backed down and agreed to defer closure for a year…. With the collapse of the railway workers all the rest of the activity, for the time being, has mostly fizzled out. Leaflet no. As public transport users we are inconvenienced by the railway strike. They are parading the incredible privileges of railway workers before us. In so doing the government is trying to set people, whose wages and living conditions are broadly comparable, against each other. Day and night, a train driver is single-handedly responsible for the lives of hundreds of passengers.

The system the SNCF is attempting to impose would not only worsen conditions overall but, by the same token, would endanger the safety and comfort of travellers. A victorious strike by railway workers would swiftly put a stop to the overall deterioration in workers conditions and to increasing unemployment. We support the railway workers strike because they were able to stay united: it is the base which daily decides what action to take and, through their respect for democracy, they show their strength and determination.

Committees- Paris and outlying districts. Postal address: 25, rue du Moulinet, Printed on the reverse side of this leaflet:. At the heart of the strike are the railway workers uneasy about their future and the future of the railways. That means, they can be ordered out at any moment to take a train to any destination. They are told what their rostered schedule is only on a day-to-day basis, travelling anything from 40 to kilometres. Without any prior notice, they are ordered out of bed to work nights for an additional 2. Given these conditions, how can you bank on having a private life at all?

One of them, in 25 years, has only spent 9 Christmases at home. Every month they spend from 4 to II nights in dilapidated, noisy hallways of station post-offices, taking with them bedding and eating utensils. This subjection reinforces the obligation to make the company instantly profitable and facilitates the reduction of the workforce.

The result: more and more ticket offices closed, only one waiting room in the vast foyer of the Gare du Nord, one guard per train…. What comfort and security can travellers expect if jobs continue to disappear at this rate? As you know, we railway workers are on strike. Many of you have perhaps had your lives disrupted by this strike. Yet it goes without saying that this strike is not aimed at you nor transport users in general.

Nor, it goes without saying, is it aimed at workers because like you we work for a wage. If we have resorted to strike action it is because it is the only way we have of making our demands known to our employer — the government. Like all employers — yours included- it has held our wages down and has long made our working conditions worse by all manner of means.

It has reduced the number employed SNCF — the state railway system -has got rid of 10, jobs per annum has made economies in matters of safety the number of fatal accidents at work per year runs into several score on the SNCF and increased the work load. However formulated, our demands are simple: they are about wages and working con-ditions. And if we have demanded we be paid for the time we have spent on strike, all workers will understand why strikers are faced with this predicament. Because it is the bosses who have forced us out on strike through their determination to always add to our exploitation and why should workers constantly sacrifice themselves?

Our strike has panicked the SNCF management board, the government and also over and above that, all bosses. It has created panic because once a section of workers, no matter who they may be, stops work and engages in struggle, this terrifies all bosses because the effect is felt on social and economic life. But it also causes panic because of its particular character.

It had been set in motion by the base, that is, by the rank and file workers either non-unionised or belonging to unions of different tendencies. It was they -the base -which extended the strike nationwide. And it is the base which in many places has taken over the organisation and running of the strike, all decisions being reached in general assemblies which group together all workersmittees elected in the general assemblies are composed of unionised and non-unioised workers.

What they fear most, as the reactions of those who exploit and govern us have shown, is workers deciding what to do in every instance and acting accordingly. We railway workers appeal to you because we firmly believe you have the same demands and aspire to do the same. We appeal to you because we firmly believe our fate is wedded to yours and to that of all other waged workers. We have jointly suffered over the years — ultimately in the same way the same attacks on our living and working conditions and on our wages.

By standing together we have a chance to change the course of things and turn the boat the right side up. Better still, that we all join forces and dictate the legitimate demands of wage earners. The Inter-categorial National Co-ordination of striking railway workers. It also calls on workers and the populace at large to come and affirm their solidarity with railway workers. Leaflet produced at the Gare du Lyon.

For over a fortnight, the railway workers have been on strike in order to obtain the following demands:. For over a fortnight, a large majority of railway workers have been involved in strike action. What this means for passengers is that the trains which are running do so under dangerous conditions:.

There are no longer any ticket inspections on the trains. The strikers wish only for one thing — that passengers can travel in normal conditions. The railway management, considering its stance, opts for the opposite. Any information to the contrary is false. Participation, even in sectors already on strike, has grown. The Inter-categorial National Co-ordinating Committee of railway workers is mindful this strike has as its aim a whole series of demands, some of which effect all categories of railway workers, whether they are train crews or station staff.

These include working conditions, new norms and also wages. Our movement is intent on seeing that all our demands are satisfied. We will stay out until our demands are met in full. This strike is down to the attacks by the SNCF on all railway workers. Payments for days lost through strike action, which many sectors have already proposed alongside their demands, is fully justified. This had already been conceded in after a strike lasting 3 weeks.

The National Co-ordinating Committee has been set up because this strike is now a strike of all railway workers embracing train crews or station staff. The action carried out by all railway workers has to be co-ordinated. The Inter-categorial National Co-ordinating Committee rounds off the democratic form which the movement has invested itself with.

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The strike committee is elected from this assembly and is under its control. The Inter-categorial National Co-ordinating is not at odds with but completes the regional co-ordinating committees or the committees composed solely of train drivers. The Inter-categorial National Co-ordinating Committee requests again that representatives elected by the base take part in the eventual negotiations between the boards and the unions.

These negotiations must take place within full view of the strikers themselves. When their fate is being discussed, railway workers must be kept informed. The National Co-ordinating Committee asks all sectors and all the different categories of railway workers on strike to establish the closest possible links between themselves. It is the only means of preventing manipulation and any attempts to divide our movement. We, the railway workers, number , We must draw up plans for a national demonstration of all striking railway workers in Paris.

The National Co-ordinating Committee is ready to organise it in conjunction with the general assemblies, the strike committees, the regional co-ordinating committees, the train drivers committees and the trade unions. The lnter-categonal National Co-ordinating Committee has decided to hold a further meeting on January 2nd in Paris It calls on all the sectors from the provinces and Paris to attend and calls on the general assemblies and strike committees to send their representatives. Paris, December 29th, A great number of passengers have been showing their solidarity with the railway workers struggle.

The way the railway workers have taken their own affairs into their own hands by organising themselves at the base, in every SNCF outlet depots, stations, workshops represents an example for everybody. The rapid extension of the SNCF work stoppage was done without the unions. The General Staff, used to exhausting blokes by means of useless hour strikes, have received a bad blow! The SNCF asserts that the strikers hold the passengers in contempt. However, it puts into circulation trains driven by managers who are hardly familiar with present-day safety regulations.

In sending the passengers off to negotiate on the platforms, the management hopes to make the pickets withdraw and to exacerbate the unhappiness of cretins. What a merry Christmas! The big shops, the Parisian shopkeepers, the ski-holiday industry, the mail-order catalogue societies, the SNCF business… have troubled themselves for nothing. And, if you want to, make use of. In Alma-Ata, students become hooligans. Consequently anyone can take issue against it. Furtherance of this practice is the really modern criteria against which one can measure all movements to come.

Through the sectional characteristics of their strike, the drivers had rejected external manipulation. That would already be delegating power. What happy outcome can the movement hope for? Management and the government are the cause of it. We have to win this strike and we call on workers and users to show their solidarity. Our victory can only encourage them in turn. Whatever the outcome of the strike, the railway workers have shown the way.

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Now it is the abolition of class society that is the order of the day because it is necessary to reinvent this life, which is ever more unlivable, on a new passionate basis. The December 5th Committee for the. Paris, 8th January Come on -no more bitching. Everything falls from the sky. Long live Christmas. Not even Christmas when the shop-keepers make so much dosh and the priests perform such a pretty Mass….

Spend without counting! Be rich once a year! Stuff yourself silly! Forget a year of MacDonalds, of canteen grub, of soggy potatoes. Give the kiddies some dumb present! Christmas, compulsory parties, sinister family piss-ups! Chistmas of phoney fun and phoney peace! Sparkling babycham and over-cooked turkey! Come on — give us a kiss! And them- they dared -scandal! And to upset a governement which has just shown itself so full of concern for the nice passengers… whom it will whip as soon as they get off the train and once again become wage-slaves…and privileged ones too!

And why this strike? Not even for money! Against…against the arbitrary actions of little bosses, servility, administrative profitability, division, competition…. In order to remind us of such a simple thing: the railway workers are men, not machines, not beasts of burden! Just to say NO! To open your mouth for once! What a din! The country paralysed!

So much grumbling! Sure, if tomorrow the managers went on strike, or the little bosses or the M. And the old, the women in labour, the shop-keepers? Electricians, gasmen, postmen, teachers? Dockers, printworkers, with what they earn? Shipyard workers, and their benefits? And you who earn wages, or supplementary benefit, a pension or are on a YTS -privileged as well.

Shut up and think of the poor. And who are these unfortunates? Of course! These dirty scum are going to fuck up our beautiful economy, which we all so love. And what about the inflation rate compared with Germany? And the Japanese? And the compensation grants? And the exchange rates, the productivity? Promotion through merit? There are thousands behind you who are waiting for just that! Why are you laughing? Or else…there are a thousand behind. We know you! Disgusting wages, disgusting living and working conditions…And the contempt, and shut your face and pay again and again…and you better be happy!

Paris, January 1st The railway workers wildcat strike has come at a decisive and critical moment: on the one hand, the weariness of the passengers, on the other hand the anger of the strikers. Lost time and lost wages face one another. Nevertheless, the richness of the movement, emancipated from Union patronage, can no longer be sold off dirt cheap:.

For many people now, breaking out of despair means direct communication between everyone and the sovereignty of protestors against the strategies of political or union set-ups. This disgust begins to recognise the power of its social insubordination, which goes beyond the simple antagonism between railway workers and the SNCF management, the ferocity of the Old World is reorganising itself:. The State, which is no fool, has, since January 2nd, put its cops on the tracks and in the Stations, as if it were facing a new wave of terrorism.

The media: whether through dramatisation or banalisation, they were effective because they monopolised the publicity of the conflict which the strikers had unfortunately abandoned to them. Then, the dread of being dispossessed of their community of struggle provoked the fear of extending it; in the same way, the practical opening of the general assemblies to other waged workers. In fact, the formalistic respect for the decisions of the General Assembly has paralysed the diversity of contacts and possible initiatives flying pickets, blocking of road transport. A step forward has been made.

The struggle now retains its legitimacy only in itself and not in the reasonable nature of its demands. The aim of the movement becomes the movement itself when everyone feels this priceless pleasure — to become the master of their own life. On the other hand, the possibility of a community of struggle extending itself towards True Life.

This government, its acolytes in the Opposition, the French State, this miserable survival. When the French railway workers produced their leaflets, they had a directly functional purpose. They have the stamp of authenticity about them. Not only as regards their depth of experience as railway workers but also because they were not written with a view to impressing others or proving their revolutionism. The need to communicate the outlines of autonomous organisation, around which to organise struggle, came first and foremost, along with their specific demands.

It would be easy to nit-pick in some kind of measly intellectual put-down, but for what purpose? Nevertheless, they are better than any such leaflets produced by striking workers in the U. However, despite some good one-off lines and graphic descriptions of lousy conditions etc. The only exceptions to this, as far as can be ascertained, were some very witty situationist-influenced leaflets written by some Tyneside engineering apprentices during some earlys strikes, which, amongst attacks on the Union and the Labour Party, suggested how to get the sack in 10 minutes, 55 ways of winding up a foreman and how to make a bed and go to sleep on your lathe.

And to add confusion to the confusion, the old leftist reformist perspectives have acquired new sensitised, issue-oriented masks anti-sexism,gay liberation, anti-racism, etc. Writing has become a lot more complicated. However, reflection and the practical consequence of this reflection has not ceased.

It expresses itself in life, in attitudes, far more than on paper, than in the need to adequately grasp theoretically the change. Things happen in the U. And what happened on the social level happened on other more formal levels. In a sense, organisations were stripped of their meaning, and often their membership, overnight. In their place, a more thorough-going, raging refusal, in fact, often breaks through the mask of pseudo-conformity, quiet desperation and schizoid resignation. One can respond to all the reflections written down above pretty sharply.

What the fuck do leaflets matter when in terms of sheer vandalism the U. After all, practically day by day, in small ways and often in big ways, they are trying to destroy this commodity nightmare and not philosophising about it in some kind of sub-literary way. But then you feel a limitation — a limitation which is very hard to pin-point. The very destructive real movement in the U. In France, a certain notion of theory often gives the illusion of a class conscious movement, whereas in this country, the absence of an ungoing self-reflective proletarian consciousness plays into the ruling illusions that make each battle seem wholly unconnected, and, in some way, purely nihilist.

France and Its Spaces of War

Can written theory play a part in changing this? Indeed to produce something like this, for instance is looked upon with a complex suspicion-cum-hesitant acceptance, both good and bad -and its ambivalence gets through to you alright. In some ways this is no bad thing — when this climate prevents one from acquiring any potential status or role as revolutionary theorist which happens only too easily in France. People who come on heavy with some pedagogical pedantic use of theory are generally regarded as arrogant pratts. Or if they were, it would mean the whole place was in a real, almost no-turning-back uproar.

So it would be a far less institutionalised thing than in France — it would really mean something. Significantly, some of these leaflets again, typIcal of France received a fair amount of publicity from recuperative leftist outfits. What precious little radical theory that has come from the U. In comparison to France, recuperative dulling of the fangs apart from, to some degree, in culture -music, some TV and academia is underdeveloped here. In the end, though, one has to say, with a measured but very sure certainty that radical theory does have an impact in the U.

Certainly examples from the past and from other countries e. But can they serve as models for the future? Certainly not the avant-gardism in them — the idea of an already fully developed body of theory taking hold of the masses almost by conversion. Nevertheless, the risks these radicals took, and their timely written attacks, are exemplary, even if, nowadays, they are inadequate also: today, of course, the practical needs, the risks and the stakes, are far higher.

This question requires something more complex than can be developed here in this text. Generally speaking, rebellious proles in the U. As theory in short. On a more general level, there are, of course, many ditIerences between the movement in the U. The ideology of trade unionism is much stronger in the U. Now only about 1 in 6 French workers are unionised, but in the U. But although there is an elemental movement in the U.

Thus, in response to the stark facts that non-unionists in the French railway workers strike played a big part, the response of an independantly-minded U. Nevertheless, this incident does point to a major obstacle in the U. From changing the personnel at the top election of leftist bureaucrats, etc. Undoubtedly, in the heat of practice, the union baggage is often pushed aside and ignored, but only to be slipped in sideways when it seems pragmatic to do so.

Oh for the day when employed proles in the U. As regards perception of the French proletariat by independantly-minded proletarians in the U. Conditions have changed quite dramatically over 20 years and the proletariat in the U. Rebels in Europe or America often look to here, with its anti-State eruptions as an exemplary inspiration — but they tend to ignore the fact that the dispossessed here are increasingly at the end of their tether, and often find it almost unbearable having to drag themselves through the day.

The U.

At the same time, proletarians here have slowly but surely become more and more internationally-minded in some kind of off-beat, patchy way, especially after the miners strike. This always simplistic contrast has become part of a historical mythologising at odds with the real experience of proletarians in the U. Nonetheless, to go back full circle, the leaflets of the French railway workers, postal workers produced on the last page are a good read.

Part of our initial excitement over the events of December in France were due not just to the fact that France had begun to wake up after years of agonising sleep but also to the plethora of pretty good leaflets circulating Paris during the student movement. In fact, these leaflets had played a part in our overestimation of the situation at the beginning of December — and in the con-fusion of several other people included for example, La Estiba — journal of the Barcelona dockers, Counter-Information in Edinburgh, La Sociale in Quebec, and doubtless many others.

The wave of enthusiasm, which broke the claustrophobic sense of utter defeat that had suffocated France up till December, was such a beautiful surprise that the inability to break free from a student reformist movement was hardly contested. These leaflets illustrate how insufficient it is to have a general social critique of the market economy, anger and a passionate will to contribute to developing a real movement of opposition. All of this can just lead to wishful-thinking, optimisticly minimising the contradictions. Almost invariably they combined a critique of certain symptoms of the politics of the student movement with a contradictory approval of the political pretext for the movement i.

There were political criticisms of the student Co-ordinating Committee, as if it were a bunch of bureaucrats acting against a radical rank and file. But what the fuck do we care about it? For this reason, to the horror of its authors, this leaflet was quoted in a left-wing journal as one of the best leaflets of the period.

But the weakness of these leaflets were not just due to the unexpected nature of the events. However, overestimating and underestimating students can be two sides of the same avant-gardist coin. But the flip-side of trying to draw such people unwittingly into a radical critique is to assert hierarchical ambitions on the part of students which not all of them have. So this need, regardless of any original scepticism about the university , can be easily channelled into an ambitious careerist mentality which tries to create meaning within this meaningless world, thus reinforcing it.

Moreover, unlike the period up to the mids, many ex-students, because of the pressure of possible life-long unemployment, become workers simply for job security or a relatively good wage. Gone is most of the ideological hogwash about joining the workers so as to radicalise them, foment strikes in the name of the revolutionary idea, etc. Primarily by rebels, employed or unemployed, who have either left college years ago or have never been.

Most of these dismiss students as cowardly wankers, full of complaining spiel about their own narrow. This judgement is obviously applicable to most students, but there are still a few, albeit very few, who have no ambitions in the system, who reject competitive individualism, who have no intention of being future authorities of various kinds and who go beyond good intentions and put their life where their mouth is.

An updated critique of the university would be useful e. Radical theory here has its own self-motion, travelling on something like a self-regenerative fuel. Sure, one can point to a certain theoretical excellence coming from France in comparison to, say, the U. But without carping on too much, one is left with the uneasy feeling — just what does it all mean?

Does this ambience mean French workers are any different really from workers elsewhere? It seems, not a great deal. A bit of something to show to another in a charmed. Obviously this at times unfortunate posturing competitiveness has had no interest over the years for the French poor. In four days the image of irredeemable wretchedness that dominated this shitty country came apart. It is clear the movement occurring today has left the partial demands of students and high school pupils behind.

At last anger found an occasion to vent itself, smashing apart the feeling of powerlessness. At best it constitutes a precedent: the State has received its first snub for a long time. Its security conscious murderous nonsense is not limitless, nor can it expect to go unchallenged. The young people — a million of them — assembled in Paris on Thursday, December 4th, were not concerned merely with getting rid of a government decree.

What counted was finding they were together and breaking the boredom and isolation reigning in the barrack-like atmosphere of educational establishments. For sometime the media has portrayed youth as obedient and integrated. Some were to splendidly prove the contrary.

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This is particularly true of LEP, for whom the issue of selection is a dead duck. Their only future is unemployment, a YTS or the factory. The apolitical character of this movement which is not yet a critique of politics has caught the State unawares. The bureaucrats are having difficulties channelling it. The reaction of the forces of law and order have been brutal and deadly.

The success of these swine has gone to their heads — so much so that they have forgotten that people were alive. At Invalides on Thursday night, they got a rude awakening. At the same time as Malik was assassinated, a young Arab was shot by a cop at Aubervilliers. The media, on their own admission, sat on this murder story until Sunday so as not to inflame anger.

Since the beginning of September, 16 people have died in criminal arson attacks on houses in the 20th arrondisement. Until now such murders have not met with any response — the opposite of England, where such attacks result in riots. On Saturday night that began to change. A bloke had been done in, we went into the streets to protest -that needs no justification. On Saturday night it was not only high school pupils and students who were on the streets but youths from the estates and dormitory suburbs and, more generally, people like us who hate and want to make it clear we do.

Cars were trashed, shops looted, the cops attacked 58 pigs were wounded, including 3 police inspectors. Tonight has been marked by indecision, as on previous days. The wish to stay put in the streets has met with a divided response: to quit meant leaving the terrain open to the State, and if too many had remained passive it was not because they were just sightseers. But our latent power was not put to full use. An that braying by the student Safety Committee had been to some point. Above all, we had been confronted with the novelty of the situation.

Immediate possiblities depend on how what we are saying amongst ourselves could best be organised. For the time being, the student co-ordinating committee has been able to retain the over-all initiative. They decide, for instance, on the exhausting, drawn-out processions through the back streets of Paris. Seizing a place where we could discuss things would be far more effective. Quite simply, their presence impedes what we have to say. All the representatives of the State today, from Edmond Maire to Pasqua, from Assouline to Mitterand, foresee the likelihood of a generalised social crisis and, as a result, are getting organised.

But barricades have reappeared in Paris and the anger could well spread. Also the old fears are resurfacing once again. The student Co-ordinating Committee is attempting to put the movement onto the plane of traditional trade unionism. To judge from their statements, the trade unions mean to forestall any practical acknowledgement by the workers. If they achieve their ends the State will be stregthened even more. Isolation might come back upon us very quickly. The movement has proven at least on thing: any law, no matter what, can be got rid of in four days.

The movement has not been organised politically and is all the better for that. The means have yet to be found which will confer free expression on it. As regards the future, this is what is immediately — very immediately — at stake. It is not too late. We are glad to learn that the proposed Devaquet law has been withdrawn. What we did was not in vain. We would straightaway like to draw your attention to the fact that there are many other remaining laws to be got rid of and many other ministers to dismiss.

The Devaquet law has been withdrawn. Too late. And we say: the high schools and the universities are no longer the terrain of life and knowledge. It goes beyond national frontiers. In refusing all selection we also reject both miserable technological competition as well as the dole, the expulsions of immigrants, the eviction of tenants, the infamous saturation policing, the power of dosh and of property.

We have no representatives, no celebrities. Each participates in their own way and everyone helps one another. And there are a lot of us, a hell of a lot who think that Paris is well worth the joyful fires of these beautiful autumn nights. A world where the forests and rivers are dying, where the earth is poisoned, where animals are massacred, or locked up, where people are brutalised by the media, herded into concrete and enslaved to the infernal rhythm of a crazy productivity?

A world where one judges someone by their looks, by their I.