It returns , which is the total number of months completed and ignores the additional days after it. A good use of this could be calculating the number of months between the start and end dates of projects. In the above example, it gives the total number of months. But if you want to know the number of months after the total number of completed years, then you need to use YM as the unit argument. UR Medicine healthy aging expert Dr.
William Hall says that keeping your mind and body active are keys to a long, happy life. Research shows that putting your memory to the test can actually alter your brain chemistry, fostering new cell growth that improves memory and thinking. So give your brain a workout. Learning a new language offers enormous potential for stimulating cognition and memory.
You can also do puzzles like crosswords and Sudoku, read books, and exercise your brain like you exercise your body. When it comes to your body, keeping active is absolutely essential as we age. Even 20 minutes of activity a day, three times per week, provides therapeutic benefits. Thirty minutes every day is even better.
Let us look back when the black and the white people were distinct in this country. In two hundred and fifty years there has grown up a million of intermediate. And this will continue. You may say that Frederick Douglass considers himself a member of the one race which exists. Amalgamation is conceptually distinct from assimilation; one does not have to accept amalgamation to support assimilation.
Assimilation concerns various degrees of social and cultural adoption, adaptation, and absorption. It can theoretically go in either direction, say from black to white or white to black, or it can involve a subtle blending. Douglass was not exceptional in his support of assimilation. Douglas, as an advocate of assimilation and amalgamation, was by extension a supporter of what would be come known as integration.
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He is considered by some political theorists to be a primary example of the political ideal of integration as distinct from separatism. Yet, Douglass is a fitting hero for the integrationist impulse in general. Separatism, for Douglass, was in the interest of the defenders of slavery, and after the U. Civil War, he regarded separatism as a counter-ideal of the abolition movement. Self-separation, according to Douglass, served the interests of whites who wanted to deny blacks their right to integrate into society, to improve and develop, and to enjoy the fruits of their labor.
For similar reasons he opposed plans for black American emigration to Africa, the Caribbean, Mexico, or Latin America. He criticized the emigrationist visions of the American Colonization Society, founded by whites, and the African Civilization Society, founded by blacks. He had four reasons to oppose emigration schemes: First, for slavery to end, Douglass argued that black Americans needed to struggle against it in America.
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Second, Americans had no other home but the United States; they were uniquely American, and products of American history. Third, black Americans had a right to the property their labor had produced. By abandoning the United States, they were abandoning the land they built. He wrote,. The native land of the American Negro is America. His bones, his muscles, his sinews, are all American. His ancestors for two hundred and seventy years have lived and laboured and died, on American soil, and millions of his posterity have inherited Caucasian blood. It is pertinent, therefore, to ask, in view of this admixture, as well as in view of other facts, where the people of this mixed race are to go, for their ancestors are white and black, and it will be difficult to find their native land anywhere outside of the United States.
Douglass b, in Brotz — Fourth and finally, the real solution, according to Douglass, was not emigration, and separation, for that was contrary to historical progress, providence, and the emergence of the new American race. All the same, Douglass was not opposed to efforts of blacks in collective self-help and self-defense. Nonetheless, his opposition to emigration displayed the downside of his commitment to his natural law and manifest destiny-inspired principles.
He did not understand how immigration might be, in the eyes of the black Americans that wanted to flee anti-black oppression and especially life-crushing oppression and murderous anti-black violence, a more than reasonable act of self-preservation and self-determination much like his escape from slavery. Douglass moderated his position on migration only at the end of his life when his disillusionment with the United States grew Douglass , , a.
The relation between Douglass and the topic of black political leadership is wrapped up with his life, activities, and writing. He was a leader among black Americans, and served as an unelected spokesperson for free and enslaved blacks during a monumental time for the nation. He wanted to speak for himself, to be his own man and to be a leader among men. In his self-emancipation from slavery, his efforts to shape his own story, and to speak his mind, he stands as an exemplar of leadership and its virtues.
His example was quick to be seized and claimed by other prospective black leaders and spokespersons. The most significant example of this was the conflicting claim between W. Du Bois and Booker T. Indeed both men competed for the opportunity to publish a biography of Douglass with the publishers George W. Du Bois was, instead, given the project of writing a biography of John Brown, which includes large sections on Douglass Du Bois Du Bois presented Douglass as a freedom fighter and a leader of an activist community that demanded full social and political liberty, equality, and inclusion.
Douglass, according to Du Bois, was no accommodationist: he was not given to offering obeisance to white demands to maintain white political, social, and economic superiority over blacks. In the second chapter of that book Du Bois argues against Booker T. Economic liberty is not enough, and any gains in the economic sphere would be hampered and vulnerable without the protections and opportunities provided by social and political liberty and rights.
Here is his reduction of the amalgamationist position:. It may, however, be objected here that the situation of the our race in America renders this attitude impossible; that our sole hope of salvation lies in our being able to lose our race identity in the commingled blood of the nation; and that nay other course would merely increase the friction of races which we call race prejudice, and against which we have so long and so earnestly fought. Du Bois , in Brotz His view is sometimes referred to as cultural pluralism, and his arguments in that early essay, are important landmarks in debates in African social and political thought over separation versus assimilation Boxill ; : —85; ; McGary a; Pittman ; McGary b: 43—61 , and the conservation of race.
No Negro who has given earnest thought to the situation of his people in America has failed, at some time in life, to find himself at these cross-roads; has failed to ask himself at some time: What, after all, am I? Am I an American or am I a Negro? Can I be both? Or is it my duty to cease to be a Negro as soon as possible and be an American? Is not my only possible aim the subduction of all that is Negro in me to the American?
Does my black blood place upon me any more obligation to assert my nationality than German, or Irish or Italian blood would? Booker T. Douglass was a radical Republican, and demanded full inclusion of black Americans in the life of the nation, and the opening up of all opportunities for education and advancement for blacks, and Washington did not. Douglass did not envision himself as the embodiment of the spirit or culture of his people Gooding-Williams 19— He was a democratic thinker, and understood that particular individuals and especially leaders could fail to follow the guidance of the ideals natural law and civic republicanism.
He worked with a variety of groups, some underground while he was a slave, for example, eventually after becoming literate he, unbeknownst to his master, participated in at least one Sabbath School, and several other groups after his escape and emancipation Douglass, a, FDAB: Some of these groups were all black, due to the condition of slavery, but as a free man he worked with integrated groups as well.
These groups would have cross-cutting interests, such as in his work with the American Equal Rights Association, an organization devoted to universal suffrage. At no point did he think of himself as the singular spokesman for the movement or a group or his race. His politics were principled, in that his views were strongly directed by his acceptance of a liberal conception of natural law, and the related ideas of natural law, human liberty and equality, and the wrongness of slavery.
He never shied away from pushing or arguing his views, but in terms of his practical politics, he supported active, participatory, and democratic action Douglass a. His ideal of leadership was heavily influenced by his view of natural law, and his assumption that the role of heroes should be to stand up for what was mandated by that law. This did not lead him to a view of authoritarian, paternalistic liberalism.
The principles of natural law and rights must be processed through a participatory democratic system. However, the role of the hero leadership, the political or social outsider, the heretic or eccentric, who stands against the tyranny of the majority or minority to defend human rights was absolutely valuable. In defense of the actions of John Brown, for example, Douglass wrote, putting him into heroic terms with overtones of Carlyle and Emerson :. He believes the Declaration of Independence to be true, and the Bible to be a guide to human conduct, and acting upon the doctrines of both, he threw himself against the serried ranks of American oppression, and translated into heroic deeds the love of liberty and hatred of tyrants, with which he was inspired from both these forces acting upon his philanthropic and heroic soul.
Douglass , FDLW v. Thus, we see in his elegies to John Brown and Abraham Lincoln Douglass , in particular, the value he places on Emersonian representative men and the ideal of the statesman guided by the principles of American Civic Republicanism, and his belief in natural law, and the moral progress of the universe. Throughout the duration of the Civil War, and in the years that followed, Douglass remained active in Republican Party politics.
He was a staunch supporter of the full, uncompromising Reconstruction of the Union, and advocated for economic and education investment in free and newly-freed black Americans. He pressed for the expansion of and guarantee of civil rights for blacks, and in particular for the defense of the Civil Rights Act of , which the Supreme Court declared unconstitutional in Douglass a.
DuBois , and supported its dual platform of racial and sexual equality. He joined other prominent leaders in the abolition movement, such as Sojourner Truth, and emerging leaders in the suffrage movement, such as Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, in these efforts. There were simmering divisions in the American Equal Rights Association, due to cross-cutting and conflicting interests, and the latent racism within the organization, which was largely lead by middle-class and wealthy white women.
The tensions with the American Equal Rights Association, and the suffrage movement generally, erupted over the passing of the fifteenth amendment to the U.
The 15 th amendment franchised all male citizens, although, as U. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony demanded that black men and all women be enfranchised simultaneously, and opposed the fifteenth amendment on that principle. Some among the suffrage movement based their arguments for women suffrage, and against the enfranchisement of blacks, on racist grounds.
Although the white women who lead the association were abolitionists, they also, and not inconsequentially, held that blacks, and in particular, black men, were inferior to white women and neither as ready for nor deserving of the vote as themselves. Occasionally even Stanton lowered herself to draw on these claims Stanton a: ; b: Douglass did not want to delay black male suffrage to resolve this question over suffrage for all women. He believed it a practical matter to quickly get some protections for black Americans while the fight for suffrage for black and white women continued.
Moreover, he argued it was imperative to obtain some measure of political, legal, and social rights for blacks to confront the rising level of horrific anti-black violence that was sweeping the United States. Douglass firmly made this claim in his speech at the American Equal Rights Association in I must say that I do not see how any one can pretend that there is the same urgency in giving the ballot to women as to the negro.
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With us, the matter is a question of life and death. It is a matter of existence, at least in fifteen states of the Union. When women, because they are women, are hunted down through the cities of New York and New Orleans; when they are dragged from their houses and hung upon lamp-posts; when their children are torn from their arms, and their brains dashed out upon the pavement; when they are objects of insult and outrage at every turn; when they are in danger of having their homes burnt down over their heads; when their children are not allowed to enter schools; then they will have an urgency to obtain the ballot equal to our own.
Douglass , FDP1 v. When asked if this did not apply to black women, Douglass replied that it did but because they were black and not women Douglass , FDP1 v. He did not, however, have ready answers to concerns about how well black men, including elite black men, represented and protected the rights and interests of black women.
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Nor did he fully appreciate the need for women to represent themselves and to be fully autonomous and independent moral agents and citizens. His shortsightedness was repeated by generations of black male leaders. It was Anna Julia Cooper c. During and after the Reconstruction, Douglass remained deeply concerned about the prospect that the U.