Buffalo Creek Monday 1st Sept [. The cow was shot 11 times before she fell. I never see a beast so murdered before. Bro Willey says he Shall drive these he has driven these from Floranse [Florence] except [. Buffalo Creek Tuesday 2d Sept [. A plenty of Buffalo in Sight. Some of the Brethren Shot them but got none.
This morning just after daylight Sister [Elizabeth Stanford] Ingra aged 75 years. And had been Sick and deranged from England, and be drawn in a hand cart from Iowa City, died. She suffred much. The campe mooved on, while Elder Willey and others remained bon the ground and buried her. At 12 oclock, the Brethren Killed two Buffalo near the road.
We took the meat on hand carts. Cok [cooked] our fo[o]d with buffalo chips. J[oseph] Elder and I went on horseback and endeavored to get a buffalo calf or cow. The olde bulls woud not let us have any. They formed themselves in battle aray, ready to receive their enemy. There large hurds to be Seen in all directions. We did not get to camp until after dark. Near Chutah Lake Thursday 4th Sept Some time Last night, 28 30 of our best working cattle left us.
We had a guard around them, but no one knows when or where they went. I, and a number of the Brethren Spent the day, unsuccessfully in hunting. We had an awful Storm last night. Visited Brother Smoots Co across the plat[te]. I came to camp at dark, and found Bros Smoot and Roots well who had accompanied Bro Atwood company to camp.
I was glad to see them. They Stoped with us all night. Near Chutah Lake Saturday 6th Sept The remainder of us removed the camp, half at a time about 3 miles. Near Chutah Lake Sunday 7th Sep This morning four men from Calafornia [California] was Seen encamped near us. The names of three of them are as follows. James, H. They were Short of provisions. They intended to go to Karney [Kearny]. Then to Masourie [Missouri].
We Spent the a part of the day in a meeting preaching to the people, and the remainder in reparing our hand carts, and yoking unbroken cows. Platt[e] River Monday 8th Sept One of their names were Thomas Margrets. They were all well known by many of the Saints in this camp. We put from our wagons, on to our hand carts about 40 hundred of flour. We went 10 miles and camped by the platt[e]. Just dark. Numbers of the Sick did not get in until sometime after our wilde cows worke extraordinary well[.
This morning we Started rather early late. Had heavy Sandy roads; traveled about 12 miles and encamped at 4 oclock p. Platt River Wednesday 10th Sept To day we had Sandy roads, traveled 14 miles and encamped at the colde Springs. To day we have had good roads, crossed Several creeks. Over which the moste of the women and children were caried by Bros Willey; Atwood and others.
All in good Spiri[ts] and but few Sick. The flower [flour] on Some of the carts draws very hard. North Bluff Fork Frid[ay] 12th Sept This morning we Started at half past eight and traveled eleven miles; cross this creek about four oclock p. Soon after this Brothers F[ranklin]. Richards; D. Spencer; S. They It was a joyful meeting. No one has heard of, or Seen our cattle to our knowledge. This evening, by moonlight, we held meeting: Pres Richards and others Spoke; and congratulated the Saints on their arduous Journey, and the Blessings they Should hereafter receive[.
South Bank of the platt[e], Saturday 13th Sept [. At this time our teams being hiched to our wagons, and our hand carts packed ready for Starting very unexpected to me, I pe[r]ceived a meeting of the Saints was called. Not on the camp ground but as usual, but a Short distance one Side. I supposesd it was for prayers. After Singing and prayers Brother Richards commenced to Speak. The impression left, was, that I condemned the hand cart Skeem, which is aradiculy [ridiculously] wrong.
I neaver conveyed Such an ideah, nor felt to do so, but quite to the conturary. I am infavor of it, and also the meeting was called. More particular in concequence of Some one, unknown to me, informing Brother Richards of the disagreeable words that took place Between Bro Willey and myself concerning Brother Silers teams Traveling Betwean the hand carts and fund wagons, which I Supposed was Settled when I asked Bro Willeys and the Saints forgiveness, for all that I had Said and done wrong. Brother Richards reprimanded me Sharply. After meeting president Richards and Co.
The water was Shallow, but it reduired [required] a Strong team to draw our wagons through the Sandy bed of the River, a mile distent. Platt River Monday Sunday 14th Sept [. This fore noon we traveled up the botom on good roads. After noon we commenced to ascend the Bluffs. The ascent was Sand; it caused very hard puling. As we arose the Sumit three Indians came to us.
Woud kill us all, that they had Some five days ago fell upon a large train. At Sundown we camped aroung a Small Buffalo wallow which had ben reacently been filed with the reacent rains. We were all much fatigued with our days Journey. We chained the our oxen to the wagon. For there was neither fead nor water, and we have Some fears of the Indians. We Set a Strong guard. About 2 oclock A. I immediately got out of bed, but Seen nor heard nothing of Indians.
Some Said they Saw one, and heard the voices of others. Platte Bluffs Tuesday 16th Sept This morning, the Camp was called by the Sound of the bugle, at 3 oclock. And moved before day light. We traveled Some 10 miles, in which distance, we decended through a rough canyon, to the platte where we took brakefast. Here we remained until 2 P. Both people and teams are much fatigued by the hea[v]y Sandy roads. Platt River Wednesday 17th Sept This morning, Just before the camp got under way, a colde, and Strong wind arose from the N.
This togeather with the hea[v]y Sand, made our progress very Slow, and exstreanly laborious. Several were obliged to leave their carts and they with the infirm, could Scarcely Get into camp. Our teams also, at times, could Scarcely moove. We traveled about 10 miles. Ash hollow Thursday 18th Sept This morning we got under way as usual, and traveled 4 or 5 miles where there and the Road ascended the Bluffs.
There we dined then doubled our teams, and ascenededth the long, S[t]eep hill; Immediately we reached the Summet, we commenced descending into ash hollow, and encamped at its mouth by the platte. She is. She is bound to Stay out one night. Mouth of Ash hollow Friday 19th Sept Today we remained in Camp. To repare our carts. Some are broken, and others, the axe[l]s are badly worne. About 11 oclock A.
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Have got her. President Willey was not fuly Satisfied, and determond to go himself: chose me and ten others. About 5 miles out we found her steps coming back, but it Soon left the Road. Dark came, and we returned to Camp when we found She had Just been brought in by Some of the Brethren. Who had gon to the Kanyon for timber. She was nearly exhosted, having been 36 hours without food and water. The weather is extreamly warm. Platte River Saturday 20th Sept At 2 oclock P. The [weather] is co[o]l, and this evening a mist of rain commenced to fall.
No wood. Platte River Saturday Sunday 21st Sept Last night was very rainey, and disagreeable. Many Sick and Stoping back to get in to the wagons. The roads are very Sandy. We could scarcly moove. The wather is yet colde and damp. Traveled 12 miles. Platte River Monday 22nd Sept This fore noon a mist of rayn was stil falling Afternoon.
The clowds broke a little, the rain Stoped, and it become a little warmer. We have traveled about 12 miles to day. Brother [Jesse] Emp[e]y departed this life at half past one p. One of his hands and armes was nearly covered with putrefied sores. I Should Suppose hereditary, He has been having the ague Some time past but whom thought him dangerous. Platte River Tuesday 23rd Sept This morning was cold and foggy. The Saints dilatory in rising and geting Brake fast early, notwithstanding Brother Willies repeated order to arise at the Sound of the horn.
Some comeplaing of hard treatment, because we urge them along. Many hang to the wagons. This after noon, we come in Sight of Chimney Rock, and camped within 10 miles of it. Have traveled 16 miles. Platte R[iver]. To day we traveled 16 miles. Camped near Chimney Rock. I thought we were nearer last night to it than we were. We have fine weather. Platte R Thursday 25th Sept To day we traveled about 16 miles. And at five oclock encamp a short distance above Rubadores [Robideaux] late Trading post.
Just before we arived.
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He is very thin in flesh, and has been left, no doubt, by Some Company passing to, or from, great Salt Lake, or Calafornia [California]. Platte River Friday 26th Sept To day we traveled 14 miles, without water. Some of our oxon nearly give out. We camped at Rubadoes [Robideaux] olde tradingpost. When we Stoped at 12 oclock A.
Sister Ann, Briant [Bryant] who had been ill Some time, but not though[t] dangerous, was found dead in the wagon, in a Siting posture; appearently asleep. Her age is 70 years next month. Platte R. Saturday 27th Sept Benjamine Brackenbary was with them[. Laramy Monday 29th Sept To day we traveled about 14 miles[. Fort Lareme Tuesday 30th Sept Today we mooved on 6 miles[. Wednesday 1st Oct He has ben ill Some time. He had no pertient deseas.
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Super feminine lace cuff and back detail make this …. Picks from. Deal Alert! See at Eloquii. See at ShoeMall. Short sleeve t-shirt featuring outlined karl and choupette. Short sleeve t-shirt featuring outlined karl and c …. Other examples include file-sharing , open access , unlicensed software Many retail organizations have "gift" programs meant to encourage customer loyalty to their establishments. Bird-David and Darr refer to these as hybrid "mass-gifts" which are neither gift nor commodity. They are called mass-gifts because they are given away in large numbers "free with purchase" in a mass-consumption environment.
They give as an example two bars of soap in which one is given free with purchase: which is the commodity and which the gift? The mass-gift both affirms the distinct difference between gift and commodity while confusing it at the same time. As with gifting, mass-gifts are used to create a social relationship. They are similar to charity shops , with mostly second-hand items—only everything is available at no cost.
Whether it is a book , a piece of furniture , a garment or a household item, it is all freely given away, although some operate a one-in, one-out—type policy swap shops. The free store is a form of constructive direct action that provides a shopping alternative to a monetary framework, allowing people to exchange goods and services outside of a money-based economy. The anarchist s countercultural group The Diggers  opened free stores which simply gave away their stock, provided free food, distributed free drugs, gave away money, organized free music concerts, and performed works of political art.
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Today the idea is kept alive by the new generations of social centres , anarchists and environmentalists who view the idea as an intriguing way to raise awareness about consumer culture and to promote the reuse of commodities. The event is described as an experiment in community, radical self-expression, and radical self-reliance.
The event forbids commerce except for ice, coffee, and tickets to the event itself  and encourages gifting. According to the Associated Press, "Gift-giving has long been a part of marijuana culture" and has accompanied legalization in U. Possession, growth, and use of the drug by adults is legal in the District, as is giving it away, but sale and barter of it is not, in effect attempting to create a gift economy. Many anarchists, particularly anarcho-primitivists and anarcho-communists , believe that variations on a gift economy may be the key to breaking the cycle of poverty.
Therefore, they often desire to refashion all of society into a gift economy. Anarcho-communists advocate a gift economy as an ideal, with neither money, nor markets, nor central planning. This view traces back at least to Peter Kropotkin , who saw in the hunter-gatherer tribes he had visited the paradigm of " mutual aid ". As an intellectual abstraction, mutual aid was developed and advanced by mutualism or labor insurance systems and thus trade unions , and has been also used in cooperatives and other civil society movements. Typically, mutual-aid groups will be free to join and participate in, and all activities will be voluntary.
They are often structured as non-hierarchical , non-bureaucratic non-profit organizations , with members controlling all resources and no external financial or professional support.
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They are member-led and member-organized. They are egalitarian in nature, and designed to support participatory democracy , equality of member status and power, and shared leadership and cooperative decision-making. Members' external societal status is considered irrelevant inside the group: status in the group is conferred by participation. English historian E. Thompson wrote of the moral economy of the poor in the context of widespread English food riots in the English countryside in the late eighteenth century.
According to Thompson these riots were generally peaceable acts that demonstrated a common political culture rooted in feudal rights to "set the price" of essential goods in the market. These peasants held that a traditional "fair price" was more important to the community than a "free" market price and they punished large farmers who sold their surpluses at higher prices outside the village while there were still those in need within the village. A moral economy is thus an attempt to preserve an alternative exchange sphere from market penetration.
James C. Scott points out, however, that those who provide this subsistence insurance to the poor in bad years are wealthy patrons who exact a political cost for their aid; this aid is given to recruit followers. The concept of moral economy has been used to explain why peasants in a number of colonial contexts, such as the Vietnam War, have rebelled.
Some may confuse common property regimes with gift exchange systems. These resources are held in common, not owned privately.
When commonly held property is transformed into private property this process alternatively is termed " enclosure " or more commonly, "privatization". A person who has a right in, or over, common land jointly with another or others is called a commoner. There are a number of important aspects that can be used to describe true commons. The first is that the commons cannot be commodified — if they are, they cease to be commons.
The second aspect is that unlike private property, the commons are inclusive rather than exclusive — their nature is to share ownership as widely, rather than as narrowly, as possible. The third aspect is that the assets in commons are meant to be preserved regardless of their return of capital. Just as we receive them as a shared right, so we have a duty to pass them on to future generations in at least the same condition as we received them. If we can add to their value, so much the better, but at a minimum we must not degrade them, and we certainly have no right to destroy them.
Free content, or free information, is any kind of functional work, artwork , or other creative content that meets the definition of a free cultural work. Although different definitions are used, free content is legally similar if not identical to open content. An analogy is the use of the rival terms free software and open source which describe ideological differences rather than legal ones. Free content encompasses all works in the public domain and also those copyrighted works whose licenses honor and uphold the freedoms mentioned above. Because copyright law in most countries by default grants copyright holders monopolistic control over their creations, copyright content must be explicitly declared free, usually by the referencing or inclusion of licensing statements from within the work.
Though a work which is in the public domain because its copyright has expired is considered free, it can become non-free again if the copyright law changes. Information is particularly suited to gift economies, as information is a nonrival good and can be gifted at practically no cost zero marginal cost.
Markus Giesler in his ethnography Consumer Gift System , described music downloading as a system of social solidarity based on gift transactions. This form of gift economy was a model for online services such as Napster , which focused on music sharing and was later sued for copyright infringement. Nonetheless, online file sharing persists in various forms such as Bit Torrent and Direct download link. A number of communications and intellectual property experts such as Henry Jenkins and Lawrence Lessig have described file-sharing as a form of gift exchange which provides numerous benefits to artists and consumers alike.
They have argued that file sharing fosters community among distributors and allows for a more equitable distribution of media. In his essay " Homesteading the Noosphere ", noted computer programmer Eric S. Raymond said that free and open-source software developers have created "a 'gift culture' in which participants compete for prestige by giving time, energy, and creativity away".
Consequently, the developer may find more opportunities to work with other developers. However, prestige is not the only motivator for the giving of lines of code. An anthropological study of the Fedora community, as part of a master's study at the University of North Texas in , found that common reasons given by contributors were "learning for the joy of learning and collaborating with interesting and smart people".
Motivation for personal gain, such as career benefits, was more rarely reported. Many of those surveyed said things like, "Mainly I contribute just to make it work for me", and "programmers develop software to 'scratch an itch ' ". The firms' and the employees' motivations in such cases are less clear. Members of the Linux community often speak of their community as a gift economy. Collaborative works are works created by an open community.
The concept of a gift economy has played a large role in works of fiction about alternative societies, especially in works of science fiction. Examples include:. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Part of a series on Economic , applied , and development anthropology Basic concepts. Provisioning systems.
Hunting-gathering Pastoralism Nomadic pastoralism Shifting cultivation Moral economy Peasant economics. Case studies. Related articles. Original affluent society Formalist—substantivist debate The Great Transformation Peasant economics Culture of poverty Political economy State formation Nutritional anthropology Heritage commodification Anthropology of development. Major theorists. Schneider Eric Wolf. Theories and ideas. Notable works. Organizations and groups. Adbusters Crass CrimethInc. Deep Green Resistance Democracy Now! Related social movements. See also. By ideology. By coordination.
By regional model. Common ownership Private Public Voluntary. Property types. Collective ownership Commons Private property State ownership Social ownership. Other types. Main article: Moka exchange. Main article: Alms. Main article: Organ gifting. Main article: Copyleft. Main article: Loyalty program. Main article: Give-away shop. Main article: Burning Man. Main article: Cannabis in Washington, D. Anarchy Anti-authoritarianism Anti-capitalism Anti-statism Proletarian internationalism Class consciousness Class struggle Classless society Common ownership Common resources Commune Consensus democracy Co-operative economics Direct democracy Egalitarian community Free association Free store " From each according to his ability, to each according to his need ".
Prefigurative politics Primitive communism Stateless communism Stateless society Workers' control Worker cooperative Workers' council Wage slavery. Organizational forms. Insurrectionary anarchism Platformism Synthesis federations. Theoretical works. Related topics. Anarchism Autonomism. Main article: Commons. Main article: Free content.
The Gift Economy. New York: Routledge. Retrieved Argonauts of the Western Pacific. Cultural Anthropology. A Contemporary Perspective. Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace and Company. Berkeley: University of California Press. First Printing ed. New York: Routledge, Parry, M. Bloch Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gifts and Commodities. London: Academic Press. Property Relations: Renewing the Anthropological Tradition. Social History. Anthropological Quarterly. Anthropology of Work Review.
American Ethnologist. Economic Anthropology: History, Ethnography, Critique. Cambridge: Polity Press. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Prospect Heights, Ill. The Enigma of the Gift. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde.